考研英语1995-阅读真题_全文翻译

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2010 Text 1
Of all the changes that have taken place in English-language newspapers during the past
quarter-century, perhaps the most far-reaching has been the inexorable decline in the
scope and seriousness of their arts coverage.
It is difficult to the point of impossibility for the average reader under the age of forty to
imagine a time when high-quality arts criticism could be found in most big-city newspapers.
Yet a considerable number of the most significant collections of criticism published in the
20th century consisted in large part of newspaper reviews. To read such books today is to
marvel at the fact that their learned contents were once deemed suitable for publication in
general-circulation dailies.
We are even farther removed from the unfocused newspaper reviews published in
England between the turn of the 20th century and the eve of World War II, at a time when
newsprint was dirt-cheap and stylish arts criticism was considered an ornament to the
publications in which it appeared. In those far-off days, it was taken for granted that the
critics of major papers would write in detail and at length about the events they covered.
Theirs was a serious business, and even those reviewers who wore their learning lightly,
like George Bernard Shaw and Ernest Newman, could be trusted to know what they were
about. These men believed in journalism as a calling, and were proud to be published in
the daily press. “So few authors have brains enough or literary gift enough to keep their
own end up in journalism,” Newman wrote, “that I am tempted to define ‘journalism’ as ‘a
term of contempt applied by writers who are not read to writers who are.’”
Unfortunately, these critics are virtually forgotten. Neville Cardus, who wrote for the
Manchester Guardian from 1917 until shortly before his death in 1975, is now known
solely as a writer of essays on the game of cricket. During his lifetime, though, he was also
one of England’s foremost classical-music critics, a stylist so widely admired that his
Autobiography (1947) became a best-seller. He was knighted in 1967, the first music critic
to be so honored. Yet only one of his books is now in print, and his vast body of writings
on music is unknown save to specialists.
Is there any chance that Cardus’s criticism will enjoy a revival? The prospect seems
remote. Journalistic tastes had changed long before his death, and postmodern readers
have little use for the richly upholstered Vicwardian prose in which he specialized.
Moreover, the amateur tradition in music criticism has been in headlong retreat.
在过去的25年英语报纸所发生的变化中，影响最深远的可能就是它们对艺术方面的报道在
范围上毫无疑问的缩小了，而且这些报道的严肃程度也绝对降低了。
对于年龄低于40岁的普通读者来讲，让他们想象一下当年可以在许多大城市报纸上读到精
品的文艺评论简直几乎是天方夜谭。然而，在20世纪出版的最重要的文艺评论集中，人们
读 到的大部分评论文章都是从报纸上收集而来。现在，如果读到这些集子，人们肯定会惊诧，
当年这般渊博 深奥的内容竟然被认为适合发表在大众日报中。
从20世纪早期到二战以前，当时的英国报纸上的评论主题广泛，包罗万象，我们现在离此
类报纸评论越来越远。当时的报纸极其便宜，人们把高雅时尚的文艺批评当作是所刊登报纸
的一个亮点。在那些遥远的年代，各大报刊的评论家们都会不遗余力地详尽报道他们所报道
的事情，这在当时被视为是理所当然的事情。他们的写作是件严肃的事情，人们相信：甚至

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那些博学低调不喜欢炫耀的评论家，比如George Bernard Shaw和Ernest Newman也知道
自己在做什么（即他们的文章会高调出现在报纸上）。这些批评家们相信报刊评论是一项职



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业，并且对 于他们的文章能够在报纸上发表感到很自豪。“鉴于几乎没有作家能拥有足够的
智慧或文学天赋以保证他们在新闻报纸写作中站稳脚跟”， Newman曾写道，“我倾向于把‘新
闻写作’定义为不受读者欢迎的作家用来嘲讽受读者欢迎的作家的一个 ‘轻蔑之词’ ”
不幸的是，这些批评家们现在实际上已被人们遗忘。从1917年开始一直到1975年去世不久
前还在为曼彻斯特《卫报》写文章的Neville Cardus，如今仅仅作为一个撰写关于板球比赛
文章的作家被人们所知。但是，在他的一生当中，他也是英国首屈一指的古典音乐评论家之
一。他也是一位深受读者青睐的文体家，所以1947年他的《自传》一书就成为热销读物。1967
年他被授予爵士称号，也是第一位获此殊荣的音乐评论家。然而，他的书现在只有一本可以
在市面上买到。他大量的音乐批评，除了专门研究音乐评论的人以外，已鲜为人知。
Cardus的评论有没有机会重新流行？前景似乎渺茫。在他去世之前，新闻业的品味早
已改变很长时间了，而且他所擅长的措词华丽的维多利亚爱德华时期的散文风格对后现代的
读者没有什么用处。何况，由业余爱好者作音乐批评的传统早已经成为昨日黄花了。
2010 Text 2
Over the past decade, thousands of patents have been granted for what are called
business methods. received one for its
Merrill Lynch got legal protection for an asset allocation strategy. One inventor patented a
technique for lifting a box.
Now the nation's top patent court appears completely ready to scale back on
business-method patents, which have been controversial ever since they were first
authorized 10 years ago. In a move that has intellectual-property lawyers abuzz the U.S.
court of Appeals for the federal circuit said it would use a particular case to conduct a
broad review of business-method patents. In re Bilski, as the case is known , is
deal
potential to eliminate an entire class of patents.
Curbs on business-method claims would be a dramatic about-face, because it was the
federal circuit itself that introduced such patents with is 1998 decision in the so-called
state Street Bank case, approving a patent on a way of pooling mutual-fund assets. That
ruling produced an explosion in business- method patent filings, initially by emerging
internet companies trying to stake out exclusive rights to specific types of online
transactions. Later, move established companies raced to add such patents to their files, if
only as a defensive move against rivals that might beat them to the punch. In 2005, IBM
noted in a court filing that it had been issued more than 300 business-method

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patents despite the fact that it questioned the legal basis for granting them. Similarly,
some Wall Street investment films armed themselves with patents for financial products,
even as they took positions in court cases opposing the practice.
The Bilski case involves a claimed patent on a method for hedging risk in the energy
market. The Federal circuit issued an unusual order stating that the case would be heard
by all 12 of the court's judges, rather than a typical panel of three, and that one issue it
wants to evaluate is whether it should
The Federal Circuit's action comes in the wake of a series of recent decisions by the
supreme Court that has narrowed the scope of protections for patent holders. Last April,
for example the justices signaled that too many patents were being upheld for
that are obvious. The judges on the Federal circuit are
the Supreme Court
Washington University Law School.
在过去的十年中，成千上万的商业方法被授予了专利权。亚马逊网站获得的专利是在线“单
击”付费系统。美林公司的资产分配方案得到了法律保护。有个发明者的提箱技巧也获得了
专利。
现在，该国最高专利法院似乎完全准备好要缩减商业方法专利，因为商业方法专利自从十年
前第一次批准授予以来一直有争议。在一项使得知识产权律师们议论纷纷的提议中，美国联
邦巡回上诉法院声称它将利用某个具体案件来对商业方法专利进行广泛的复审。密苏里大学
法学院Dennis D. Crouch说，“正如人们所知道的那样，Bilski案例是一件非常大的事情”它可
能将消除整个专利类别”。
对于商业方法诉求的限制是个戏剧性的彻底变化，因为正是联邦巡回法院自己引进了这种专
利。那是在1998年，对于所谓的美国道富银行的案件中，联邦巡回法院做出了判决，批准
了筹集共同基金资产的方法具有专利权。这一裁决使得商业方法专利文件以几何数级增加，
起初只是一些新兴的网络公司对于某些特定类型的在线交易系统试图争取独家专有权。后
来，更多的公司竞相添加这样的专利权，希望这样一个防御性的行为可以先下手为强。2005
年，IBM公司在一份法院报告中声称：尽管怀疑这种专利授权的法律基础，但它已经申请了
300多份商业方法专利。同样，当一些华尔街投资公司出席某些反对其金融产品的法庭案件
时，他们会给其各类金融产品申请专利来作为自己的维权武器。
前面提到的Bilski案例 牵扯到一份已申请的方法专利，即关于能源市场的风险规避方法（注：
也可译为“套期保值或对冲风险” ）。上诉法院罕见地裁定，该案件将不由三位法官听审，而
是由全部十二名法官共同进行。另外，上诉法院还宣布，它想探讨的另一件事情是是否应该
“重审”道富银行的裁决。
联邦巡回法院的这一裁决效仿了最高法院。最高法院最近做出了一系列的判决，缩小了专利
持 有者的受保范围。例如，去年四月，法官们认定太多的专利授予了一些显而易见的“发明”。
乔治华盛顿 大学法律学院的专利法律师Harold C. Wegner教授表示，“联邦巡回法院的法官
们正在对最高法院的反专利动态做出反应”。
2010 Text 3
In his book The Tipping Point, Malcolm Gladwell argues that social epidemics are driven
in large part by the acting of a tiny minority of special individuals, often called influentials,
who are unusually informed, persuasive, or well-connected. The idea is intuitively
compelling, but it doesn't explain how ideas actually spread.
The supposed importance of influentials derives from a plausible sounding but largely

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untested theory called the

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media to the influentials and from them to everyone else. Marketers have embraced the
two-step flow because it suggests that if they can just find and influence the influentials,
those selected people will do most of the work for them. The theory also seems to explain
the sudden and unexpected popularity of certain looks, brands, or neighborhoods. In
many such cases, a cursory search for causes finds that some small group of people was
wearing, promoting, or developing whatever it is before anyone else paid attention.
Anecdotal evidence of this kind fits nicely with the idea that only certain special people can
drive trends
In their recent work, however, some researchers have come up with the finding that
influentials have far less impact on social epidemics than is generally supposed. In fact,
they don't seem to be required of all.
The researchers' argument stems from a simple observing about social influence, with the
exception of a few celebrities like Oprah Winfrey—whose outsize presence is primarily a
function of media, not interpersonal, influence—even the most influential members of a
population simply don't interact with that many others. Yet it is precisely these
non- celebrity influentials who, according to the two- step-flow theory, are supposed to
drive social epidemics by influencing their friends and colleagues directly. For a social
epidemic to occur, however, each person so affected, must then influence his or her own
acquaintances, who must in turn influence theirs, and so on; and just how many others
pay attention to each of these people has little to do with the initial influential. If people in
the network just two degrees removed from the initial influential prove resistant, for
example from the initial influential prove resistant, for example the cascade of change
won't propagate very far or affect many people.
Building on the basic truth about interpersonal influence, the researchers studied the
dynamics of populations manipulating a number of variables relating of populations,
manipulating a number of variables relating to people's ability to influence others and their
tendency to be influenced. Our work shows that the principal requirement for what we call
– the widespread propagation of influence through networks – is the
presence not of a few influentials but, rather, of a critical mass of easily influenced people,
each of whom adopts, say, a look or a brand after being exposed to a single adopting
neighbor. Regardless of how influential an individual is locally, he or she can exert global
influence only if this critical mass is available to propagate a chain reaction.

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在《引爆流行》这本书中，作者Malcolm Gladwell认为社会流行潮流在很大程度上是由一小
部分特殊个体的行为引起的，这些人就是人们常说的影响者。他们异乎寻常的博闻多识，能
言善辩，人脉广泛。从直觉上讲，Malcolm Gladwell的理论似乎很有说服力，但是它没有解
释流行观念的实际传播过程。
人们之所以认为影响者很重要，是因为受到了“两级传播”理论的影响，即信息先从媒体流向影响
者，然后再从影响者流向其他人。这一理论看似合理，但未经验证。营销人员接受两级传播理论
是因为该理论认为，如果他们能够找到影响者，并对他们施加影响，这些精英们就会替他们完成
大部分的营销传播工作。这一理论似乎还可以解释某些装扮、品牌或社区为何会突然受到出乎意
料的追捧。对于许多诸如此类的情况，如果只是走马观花地寻找原因，你会发现总是有一小群人
开风气之先，率先穿上、宣传和开发人们此前从未留意的东西。这种事实证据与该观点正好一拍
即合——只有一些特别的人才能引领潮流。
但是，在最近的研究中，一些研究人员发现，影响者对社会流行潮流的影响力远比人们认为
的要小。事实上，他们似乎根本就是无关紧要。
研究者的观点源于对社会影响力的简单观察：除了少数像Oprah Winfrey 这样的名人之外
（她强大的人气影响力主要来自媒体影响力，而非她与观众互动的人际影响力），即使人群
中最有影响力的人也无法与那么多的“其他人”互动，从而引领潮流。然而，根据两级传播理
论，正是这些非名人影响者直接影响了他们的朋友和同事，从而推动了社会流行潮流。但是，
要让一种社 会流行潮流真正发生，每个受影响的人还必须影响他的熟人，而他的熟人又必须
影响其他熟人，依此类推；但是会有多少人去关注这些熟人中的每个人，与最初的影响者几
乎没有关系。举个例子来说，在这个人际影响的网络中，如果第一个影响者受到两次抵制，
那么他的连锁影响范围就不会继续扩大，或者说影响的人不会很多。
基于这一人际影响力的基本事实，研究者们研究了社会影响的动力机制。我们对不同人群进
行了成千上万次计算机模拟，不断调整人们影响他人和受他人影响的各种变量。他们发现，
人们所说的“全球连锁反应” —— 影响力通过（人际）网络进行广泛传播 —— 发生的主要
前提，并不取决于是否存在着那么几个影响者，而主要取决于易受影响的人们是否达到了临
界数量。
2010 Text 4
Bankers have been blaming themselves for their troubles in public. Behind the scenes,
they have been taking aim at someone else: the accounting standard-setters. Their rules,
moan the banks, have forced them to report enormous losses, and it's just not fair. These
rules say they must value some assets at the price a third party would pay, not the price
managers and regulators would like them to fetch.
Unfortunately, banks' lobbying now seems to be working. The details may be unknowable,
but the independence of standard- setters, essential to the proper functioning of capital
markets, is being compromised. And, unless banks carry toxic assets at prices that attract
buyers, reviving the banking system will be difficult.
After a bruising encounter with Congress, America's Financial Accounting Standards
Board (FASB) rushed through rule changes. These gave banks more freedom to use
models to value illiquid assets and more flexibility in recognizing losses on long-term
assets in their income statement. Bob Herz, the FASB's chairman, cried out against those
who
lobby group politely calls
European ministers instantly demanded that the International Accounting Standards

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Board (IASB) do likewise. The IASB says it does not want to act without overall planning,

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but the pressure to fold when it completes it reconstruction of rules later this year is strong.
Charlie McCreevy, a European commissioner, warned the IASB that it did
political vacuum
It was banks that were on the wrong planet, with accounts that vastly overvalued assets.
Today they argue that market prices overstate losses, because they largely reflect the
temporary illiquidity of markets, not the likely extent of bad debts. The truth will not be
known for years. But bank's shares trade below their book value, suggesting that
investors are skeptical. And dead markets partly reflect the paralysis of banks which will
not sell assets for fear of booking losses, yet are reluctant to buy all those supposed
bargains.
To get the system working again, losses must be recognized and dealt with. America's
new plan to buy up toxic assets will not work unless banks mark assets to levels which
buyers find attractive. Successful markets require independent and even combative
standard-setters. The FASB and IASB have been exactly that, cleaning up rules on stock
options and pensions, for example, against hostility from special interests. But by giving in
to critics now they are inviting pressure to make more concessions.
台面上，银行家们将他们的麻烦归咎于己身，台面下，他们一直把目标对准他人：会计准则
制定者。银行业抱怨会计规则迫使他们报告巨大损失，认为这不公平。规则规定他们必须以
第三方付出价格来评估部分资产的价值，而非按照管理者和监管者期望该资产能够获得的价
格。
不幸的是，银行的游说活动看来已显成效。其中细节可能无法获知，但是准则制定者在独立
性方面——这正是资产市场正常运行的关键——已经做出妥协了。银行如果不以能够吸引买
家的价格计量有毒资产，银行系统的复苏将会非常困难。
美国FASB（财务会计准则委员会）在与国会激烈摩擦之后，匆匆通过了规则的修改。这些
修改使得银行在使用模型评估非流动资产方面用有更大的自由，同时使得它们确认收益表中
长期资产损失时更为灵活。FASB主席Bob Herz大声反对那些“怀疑我们的动机”的人们。然
而银行股票上涨了，这些修改强化了“管理层使用理性判断”的说法，这种说法是一个游说团
的客气之言。

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欧洲的部长们立刻要求国际会计准则委员会(IASB)也这么做。 IASB表示它不想
没有完整计
划就冒然行动，但它在今年下半年完成规则修订时必须屈服的压力十分巨大。
欧洲委员会委员Charlie McCreevy警告IASB说：它不是“处在政治真空中”而是“在现实世界
里”，并表示欧洲可能最终会发展出不同的会计规则。
正是这些银行呆错了星球，它们的账目上充斥着估值过高的资产。现在他们争论道市价高估
了损失，因为市价主要反映了市场的暂时性流动性不足，而非坏账的可能范围。几年中没人
会知道真相。但是，银行股票以低于账面价值的价格交易，这一点反应了投资者的怀疑。死
寂的市场一定程度上反应了瘫痪的银行由于怕账面损失既既不愿出售资产，也不愿意去购买
那些看似不错的廉价资产。
为了让银行系统重新运转起来，损失必须被确认和处理。美国收购有毒资产的新计划只有在
银行将资产定价在足够吸引买家的水平上才会有效。成熟的市场需要独立的，甚至是好斗的
准则制定者。FASB和IASB以往正是这样对抗特殊利益集团的敌意的，例如改进股权和退休
金的相关规则。但是现在向批评者妥协是自寻压力，他们会进一步做出让步。

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2009 Text 1
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Habits are a funny thing. We reach for them mindlessly, setting our brains on auto-pilot
and relaxing into the unconscious comfort of familiar routine.
the unreflecting herd,
21st century, even the word
So it seems antithetical to talk about habits in the same context as creativity and
innovation. But brain researchers have discovered that when we consciously develop new
habits, we create parallel synaptic paths, and even entirely new brain cells, that can jump
our trains of thought onto new, innovative tracks.
But don't bother trying to kill off old habits; once those ruts of procedure are worn into the
hippocampus, they're there to stay. Instead, the new habits we deliberately ingrain into
ourselves create parallel pathways that can bypass those old roads.

author of
Partners.
Decider.'
innovational thinker is always exploring the many other possibilities.
All of us work through problems in ways of which we're unaware, she says. Researchers
in the late 1960 covered that humans are born with the capacity to approach challenges in
four primary ways: analytically, procedurally, relationally (or collaboratively) and
innovatively. At puberty, however, the brain shuts down half of that capacity, preserving
only those modes of thought that have seemed most valuable during the first decade or so
of life.
The current emphasis on standardized testing highlights analysis and procedure, meaning
that few of us inherently use our innovative and collaborative modes of thought.
breaks the major rule in the American belief system — that anyone can do anything,
explains M. J. Ryan, author of the 2006 book
business partner.
Knowing what you're good at and doing even more of it creates excellence.
developing new habits comes in.
习惯是一种有趣的现象。我们无意识地养成了习惯，任由大脑自动操作，且不知不觉在熟悉
的 常规中感到轻松舒适。“并非选择，而是习惯会控制那些没有思想的人。”19世纪时，威廉·华
兹华斯 说。在千变万化的21世纪，甚至“习惯”这个词本身也带有负面涵义。
因此，在创造和革新的背景下来谈论习惯，似乎显得有点矛盾。但大脑研究人员发现，当我
们有意识地培养新的习惯，就创建了平行路径，甚至是全新的脑细胞，可以让我们思绪的列
车跳转到新的创新轨道上来。
我们不用因为自己是受习惯影响的一成不变的生物而否定自己，相反我们可以通过有意识的
培养新习惯来指导改变。事实上，我们对新事物尝试得越多，就会越远地走出自己的舒适地
带，在职场及个人生活中变得越有创造性。
但是，不要白费力气试图戒除旧习惯;一旦这些惯有程序融进脑部，它们就会留在那里。相
反，我们有意使之根深蒂固的新习惯会创建平行路径，它们可以绕过原来那些路径。
《开放思想》一书的作者达瓦纳·马克瓦说：“革新所需要的第一样东西就是对好奇的着迷。

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然而我们被教导去做‘决定’，就像我们的总裁称呼自己为‘决策者’那样。”她接着说，“但是，

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决定意味着 除了一种可能性外，其他的都被扼杀了。优秀的具有革新精神的思想家总是在探
寻着许多其他的可能性。”
她说，我们都是通过一些自己没有意识到的方法解决问题的。研究人员在20世纪60年代末
发现人类天生主要用四种方法应对挑战：分析法，程序法，相关法(或合作法)和创新法。但
是在青春期结束，大脑关闭一半的能力，仅仅保留了那些大约在生命最开始的十几年时间里
似乎是最为宝贵的思维方式。
目前标准化测试主要强调分析法和程序法这两种方式，也就是说，我们中很少有人会本能地
使用创新和合作的思维方式。M.J.瑞恩是2006年出版的著作《今年我将……》一书的作者
以及马克瓦女士的商业合作伙伴，她解释说：“这打破了美国信念体系里的主要规则—任何
人 都可以做任何事。这是一个我们已经使之永久化的谎言，这会造成平庸。了解你擅长什么，
再多做一些就 会成就卓越。”这正是培养新习惯的用武之地。
2009 Text 2
It is a wise father that knows his own child, but today a man can boost his paternal
(fatherly) wisdom – or at least confirm that he's the kid's dad. All he needs to do is shell
our $$30 for paternity testing kit (PTK) at his local drugstore – and another $$120 to get the
results.
More than 60,000 people have purchased the PTKs since they first become available
without prescriptions last

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years, according to Doug Fog, chief operating officer of Identigene, which makes the
over-the-counter kits. More than two dozen companies sell DNA tests Directly to the
public , ranging in price from a few hundred dollars to more than $$2500.
Among the most popular : paternity and kinship testing , which adopted children can use
to find their biological relatives and latest rage a many passionate genealogists-and
supports businesses that offer to search for a family's geographic roots .
Most tests require collecting cells by webbing saliva in the mouth and sending it to the
company for testing. All tests require a potential candidate with whom to compare DNA.
But some observers are skeptical,
people claiming they are doing ancestry testing,
sociologist. He notes that each individual has many ancestors-numbering in the hundreds
just a few centuries back. Yet most ancestry testing only considers a single lineage, either
the Y chromosome inherited through men in a father's line or mitochondrial DNA, which a
passed down only from mothers. This DNA can reveal genetic information about only one
or two ancestors, even though, for example, just three generations back people also have
six other great-grandparents or, four generations back, 14 other great-great-grandparents.
Critics also argue that commercial genetic testing is only as good as the reference
collections to which a sample is compared. Databases used by some companies don't
rely on data collected systematically but rather lump together information from different
research projects. This means that a DNA database may differ depending on the
company that processes the results. In addition, the computer programs a company uses
to estimate relationships may be patented and not subject to peer review or outside
evaluation.
俗话说，贤父知己子，但是如今男人可以提升自己的智慧，至少可以确认自己是孩子的父亲
了。他所要做的就是在住所附近的药店里付30美元买一个父子关系测试包(PTK)，然后另支
付120美元以获得结果。
道格·福格是Identigene(生产这种在药店可以出售的 测试包的公司)的首席运营官，他指出，
自从去年PTK无需处方就可以买到以来，购买者已经超过6万 人。超过24家公司直接向公众
出售DNA检测工具，价格从几百美元到2500多美元不等。
最受欢迎的DNA测试是父子和血缘关系检测，被收养的孩子可以利用它找到自己的生物学
亲属，家庭也可以用它来追踪到被收养的孩子。DNA检测最近不受到许多热心的族谱学家
追捧，还为那些提供家族寻根服务的公司提供了支持。
许多测试需要从唾液中获取细胞，将唾液送至公司进行检测。所有的测试都需要另外一个相
关人员的DNA进行比对。
但是观察家们持怀疑态度。纽约州立大学的社会学家特洛伊·达斯特说，“那些声称可以进
行血统检测的人，他们兜售的测试有一定的不准确性”。他注意到每个人都有许多祖先，仅
几个世纪以前就有几百个之多。但是多数血统检测只考虑某个单一系统，或者是遗传自父亲
的 Y染色体，或者是只由母亲遗传的线粒体DNA。这个DNA只揭示了一两个祖先的基因信息。
但是，仅 仅3代之前，除了曾祖父母，他们还有6个外曾祖父母，或者4代以前，除了曾曾祖
父母，他们还有14个外曾曾祖父母。
批评家们还争论说商业性基因检测的好坏取决于参照基因数据库的好坏，参照基因数据库是
用来同样本进行对比的。一些公司使用的数据库里的数据并非系统性的采集而得，而是将不
同研究项目的信息胡乱搜集在一起。这意味某个DNA数据库可能会从某些地区收集很多信

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息，而在别的地区不收集信息，所以一个人的测试结果会随着测试公司的不同而不同。此外，

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公司用来评估血缘关系的电脑程序可能申请了专利，不能对其进行同行审查或外界评估。
2009 Text 3
The relationship between formal education and economic growth in poor countries is
widely misunderstood by economists and politicians alike progress in both area is
undoubtedly necessary for the social, political and intellectual development of these and
all other societies; however, the conventional view that education should be one of the
very highest priorities for promoting rapid economic development in poor countries is
wrong. We are fortunate that is it, because new educational systems there and putting
enough people through them to improve economic performance would require two or
three generations. The findings of a research institution have consistently shown that
workers in all countries can be trained on the job to achieve radical higher productivity and,
as a result, radically higher standards of living.
Ironically, the first evidence for this idea appeared in the United States. Not long ago, with
the country entering a recessing and Japan at its pre-bubble peak. The U.S. workforce
was derided as poorly educated and one of primary cause of the poor U.S. economic
performance. Japan was, and remains, the global leader in automotive-assembly
productivity. Yet the research revealed that the U.S. factories of Honda Nissan, and
Toyota achieved about 95 percent of the productivity of their Japanese counterparts -- a
result of the training that U.S. workers received on the job.
More recently, while examining housing construction, the researchers discovered that
illiterate, non-English- speaking Mexican workers in Houston, Texas, consistently met
best-practice labor productivity standards despite the complexity of the building industry's
work.
What is the real relationship between education and economic development? We have to
suspect that continuing economic growth promotes the development of education even
when governments don't force it. After all, that's how education got started. When our
ancestors were hunters and gatherers 10,000 years ago, they didn't have time to wonder
much about anything besides finding food. Only when humanity began to get its food in a
more

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productive way was there time for other things.
As education improved, humanity's productivity potential, they could in turn afford more
education. This increasingly high level of education is probably a necessary, but not a
sufficient, condition for the complex political systems required by advanced economic
performance. Thus poor countries might not be able to escape their poverty traps without
political changes that may be possible only with broader formal education. A lack of formal
education, however, doesn't constrain the ability of the developing world's workforce to
substantially improve productivity for the forested future. On the contrary, constraints on
improving productivity explain why education isn't developing more quickly there than it is.
贫穷国家中正规教育与经济发展之间的关系为经济学家及政治家们普遍误解。毫无疑问，在
这两个方面都有所进步，对于这些国家及其他国家的社会、政治及学术发展而言是必要的，
但是那种认为教育是促进贫穷国家经济快速发展的重中之重的传统观点是错误的。我们庆幸
这个观念不对，因为创立新的教育体制，让足够多的人接受教育以推动经济发展需要两代或
三代人来完成。一家研究机构的研究成果一再表明：所有国家的工人都可以进行在职培训以
大幅度提高生产率，从而提高生活水平。
具有讽刺意味的是，这一观点的首个证据出现在美国。不久前，随着美国经济陷入衰退，日
本正处于泡沫破灭前的高峰期，美国工人被嘲讽没有受过良好教育，并且被认为这是美国经
济 不景气的主要原因之一。在全球，不管过去还是现在，日本一直是汽车组装生产力的领袖。
然而，研究表 明丰田、尼桑和本田位于美国工厂的生产率大约是日本同行的95%，这是美国
工人接受在职培训的结果。
最近，在进行住户建设检查时，研究人员发现在德克萨斯州的休斯顿，尽管房地产行业的工
作非常复杂，但是未受过教育的，英语不是母语的墨西哥工人总是能够达到最佳的劳动生产
率标准。
教育与经济发展之间的关系到底如何?我们不得不怀疑，即使政府不强迫发展教育，经济持
续增长也会促进教育事业的发展。毕竟，教育就是那样开始的。一万年前当我们的祖先还在
狩猎和采集野果时，除了寻找食物他们没有时间想其它很多的东西。只有当人类能够更高效
地获取食物时，才有时间做其它的事情。
随着教育的进步，人类的生产潜力也增加了。当竞争的环境推动我们的祖先实现这一潜力，
他们又可以获得更多的教育机会。先进的经济水平要求复杂的政治制度，越来越高的教育水
平可能是这种复杂政治制度的必要的，但不是充分的条件。因此，如果没有政治改革，贫穷
国家可能无法摆脱其贫困陷阱，而政治改革则只能靠更广泛的正规教育实现。但是，发展中
国家的劳动力在可预见的未来持续提高生产力的能力没有因缺乏正规教育而受到限制。相
反，生产力的提高受到限制解释了为什么教育的发展速度不是更快了。
2009 Text 4
The most thoroughly studied in the history of the new world are the ministers and political
leaders of seventeenth-century New England. According to the standard history of
American philosophy, nowhere else in colonial America was
to intellectual pursuits
established the basic themes and preoccupations of an unfolding, dominant Puritan
tradition in American intellectual life.
To take this approach to the New Englanders normally mean to start with the Puritans'
theological innovations and their distinctive ideas about the church-important subjects that
we may not neglect. But in keeping with our examination of southern intellectual life, we

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circumstances. The New England colonies were the scenes of important episodes in the
pursuit of widely understood ideals of civility and virtuosity.
The early settlers of Massachusetts Bay included men of impressive education and
influence in England. `Besides the ninety or so learned ministers who came to
Massachusetts church in the decade after 1629,There were political leaders like John
Winthrop, an educated gentleman, lawyer, and official of the Crown before he journeyed
to Boston. There men wrote and published extensively, reaching both New World and Old
World audiences, and giving New England an atmosphere of intellectual earnestness.
We should not forget , however, that most New Englanders were less well educated.
While few crafts men or farmers, let alone dependents and servants, left literary
compositions to be analyzed, The in thinking often had a traditional superstitions quality. A
tailor named John Dane, who emigrated in the late 1630s, left an account of his reasons
for leaving England that is filled with signs. sexual confusion, economic frustrations , and
religious hope-all name together in a decisive moment when he opened the Bible, told his
father the first line he saw would settle his fate, and read the magical words:
from among them, touch no unclean thing , and I will be your God and you shall be my
people.
he heard in puritan churched.
Meanwhile, many settles had slighter religious commitments than Dane's, as one
clergyman learned in confronting folk along the coast who mocked that they had not come
to the New world for religion .
在新大陆的历史上，被研究的最彻底的学者是17世纪新英格兰的牧师和政治领袖们。根据
美国标准哲学史的记载，在美洲殖民地中,“其他地区的人对学术的追求都没有这么狂热。”
据许多书籍及文章记载，新英格兰的领袖们在美国学术界中确立了正在发展、后来成为主流
的清教传统的 基本主题和关注点。
通过这条途径来了解新英格兰人，通常意味着要首先研究清教徒的神学创新和对于 教会的不
同理念——这是我们不可忽略的重要课题。但是为了与我们对南部学术界的研究保持一致，我们可以将最初的清教徒们视作欧洲文化的传递者，他们根据新大陆的情况进行了调整。新
英格兰作 为殖民地，在追求广为人知的礼貌及艺术鉴赏力的过程中发生

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了许多重要事件。
到达马萨诸塞州的最早定居者包括那些在英格兰接受过良好的教育并深具影响力的英国人。
在1629年之后的十年间，除了90多位来到马萨诸塞教堂的有学识的牧师，还有像约翰·温
斯罗普这样的政治领袖，在到达波士顿之前，他是一位受过良好教育的绅士、律师及皇室官
员。这些人大量写作、出版书籍，新旧大陆都有读者，这样便给新大陆带来了热衷学术的氛
围。
但是，我们不应该忘记，大多数新英格兰人没有受过良好教育。极少有工匠或农民(更不用
说靠他们养活的家人及仆人)留下文学作品以供分析，但是很明显，他们的观点并不具有很
大的学术性。他们的思想中往往有一种传统的迷信成份。一个名为约翰·戴恩的裁缝于17
世纪30年代末移民到新大陆，他留下一个记录，陈述了离开英格兰的理由，内容充满了预
兆 。在一个决定性的时刻，他打开圣经，告诉父亲说，自己看到的第一行字会决定他的命运，
他读了那些神 奇的话语：“(圣经原文)从他们中间出来，不要沾不洁净之物，我将成为你们的
神，你们将成为我的子民”。性的混乱，经济挫折和宗教希望——这所有的一切在他打开圣
经的一刹那都出现了。人们想知道戴恩在清教教堂里听到布道牧师认真解释圣经时会作何感
想。
与此同时，许多定居者并没有戴恩那样虔诚，就像一位牧师在海边遇到一些人时听到的那 样，
那些人嘲弄说他们不是为了宗教来到新大陆的。“我们的主要目的是为了捕鱼。”

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2008 Text 1
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While still catching-up to men in some spheres of modern life, women appear to be way
ahead in at least one undesirable category. “Women are particularly susceptible to
developing depression and anxiety disorders in response to stress compared to men,”
according to Dr. Yehuda, chief psychiatrist at New York’s Veteran’s Administration
Hospital.
Studies of both animals and humans have shown that sex hormones somehow affect the
stress response, causing females under stress to produce more of the trigger chemicals
than do males under the same conditions. In several of the studies, when stressed-out
female rats had their ovaries (the female reproductive organs) removed, their chemical
responses became equal to those of the males.
Adding to a woman’s increased dose of stress chemicals, are her increased
“opportunities” for stress. “It’s not necessarily that women don’t cope as well. It’s just that
they have so much more to cope with,” says Dr. Yehuda. “Their capacity for tolerating
stress may even be greater than men’s,” she observes, “it’s just that they’re dealing with
so many more things that they become worn out from it more visibly and sooner.”
Dr. Yehuda notes another difference between the sexes. “I think that the kinds of things
that women are exposed to tend to be in more of a chronic or repeated nature. Men go to
war and are exposed to combat stress. Men are exposed to more acts of random physical
violence. The kinds of interpersonal violence that women are exposed to tend to be in
domestic situations, by, unfortunately, parents or other family members, and they tend not
to be one-shot deals. The wear-and-tear that comes from these longer relationships can
be quite devastating.”
Adeline Alvarez married at 18 and gave birth to a son, but was determined to finish
college. “I struggled a lot to get the college degree. I was living in so much frustration that
that was my escape, to go to school, and get ahead and do better.” Later, her marriage
ended and she became a single mother. “It’s the hardest thing to take care of a teenager,
have a job, pay the rent, pay the car payment, and pay the debt. I lived from paycheck to
paycheck.”
Not everyone experiences the kinds of severe chronic stresses Alvarez describes. But
most women today are coping with a lot of obligations, with few breaks, and feeling the
strain. Alvarez’s experience demonstrates the importance of finding ways to diffuse stress
before it threatens your health and your ability to function.
在现代生活中女性就算是在某些领域 可以追赶上男性，但至少在一个方面是领先的，尽
管是她们不太想要的。纽约的退伍军管理医院精神科首 席医生Yehuda博士说道，和男性相
比，女性面对压力时，更容易受到影响，导致抑郁和紧张。
对于动物和人类的研究都显示出性激素会在某种程度去影响面对压力的反应，导致在同样的
条件下，女性产生更多的致病化学物质。在几项研究中，当受到压力的雌鼠的卵巢（雌性的
生殖器官）被拿掉后，它们的化学反应变得和那些雄性的一样了。
对于女性来说，除了产生更多的导致压力的化学物质外，她们产生压力的“机会”也更多。“并
不是女性要处理的事情太少，而是她们有更多的事情要处理。”Yehuda博士说道。“她们对
于压力的承受能力有时候甚至比男性的还大”，她观察到，“她们只是需要处理的事情太多，

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看起来会更容易精疲力尽。”

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Yehuda博士注意到了另一个男女之间的不同点。“我认为，女性通常要做的事是慢性的，重
复的。而男人去战场，承受的是格斗的压力。男性面临的更多的是随意的身体上的暴力。女
性面对的人与人之间的暴力是在家庭环境中的。不幸的是，她们与父母还有其他的家庭成员
之间不是能够一次性解决的问题。这种长期的关系的磨合是更有破坏性的。
Adeline Alvarez 18岁结婚并生了个儿子，但她决定完成大学学业。“我尽了很大的努力拿到
大学学位，因为我在实际生活中有很多的挫折，而这就是我的逃避，去学校，争取上游，做
到更好。”不久后，她离了婚变成一个单亲母亲。“除了照顾一个十几岁的孩子，还要工作，
付房租，养车，还债是最难的事情了。我的生活就是不停的支付自己的账单。”
不是每个人经历着和Alvarez describes一样的长期的压力，但是大多数女性都在处理着
太多的责任，很少得到喘息，从而感到了压力。Alvarez的经历证明了当压力威胁你的健康
和正常生理功能之前解压是非常重要的。
2008 Text 2
It used to be so straightforward. A team of researchers working together in the laboratory
would submit the results of their research to a journal. A journal editor would then remove
the authors’ names and affiliations from the

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paper and send it to their peers for review. Depending on the comments received, the
editor would accept the paper for publication or decline it. Copyright rested with the journal
publisher, and researchers seeking knowledge of the results would have to subscribe to
the journal.
No longer. The Internet – and pressure from funding agencies, who are questioning why
commercial publishers are making money from government-funded research by restricting
access to it – is making access to scientific results a reality. The Organization for
Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) has just issued a report describing the
far- reaching consequences of this. The report, by John Houghton of Victoria University in
Australia and Graham Vickery of the OECD, makes heavy reading for publishers who
have, so far, made handsome profits. But it goes further than that. It signals a change in
what has, until now, been a key element of scientific endeavor.
The value of knowledge and the return on the public investment in research depends, in
part, upon wide distribution and ready access. It is big business. In America, the core
scientific publishing market is estimated at between $$7 billion and $$11 billion. The
International Association of Scientific, Technical and Medical Publishers says that there
are more than 2,000 publishers worldwide specializing in these subjects. They publish
more than 1.2 million articles each year in some 16,000 journals.
This is now changing. According to the OECD report, some 75% of scholarly journals are
now online. Entirely new business models are emerging; three main ones were identified
by the report’s authors. There is the so-called big deal, where institutional subscribers pay
for access to a collection of online journal titles through site-licensing agreements. There
is open- access publishing, typically supported by asking the author (or his employer) to
pay for the paper to be published. Finally, there are open- access archives, where
organizations such as universities or international laboratories support institutional
repositories. Other models exist that are hybrids of these three, such as delayed
open-access, where journals allow only subscribers to read a paper for the first six months,
before making it freely available to everyone who wishes to see it. All this could change
the traditional form of the peer-review process, at least for the publication of papers.
原本一切都很简单。一组研究员在实验室里共同完成一个试验，把结果提交给某刊物，刊物
的编辑把作者姓名及相关信息隐去，把报告交给这些研究者的同行去审阅。根据评论意见，
编辑将决定是否发表。因此，版权留在刊物出版社手上，辛苦探求知识的研究者反倒要花钱
订阅刊物。
现在不再是这样了。提供资金的机构施加压力，质疑为什么商业刊物可以通过限制刊载的手
段从政府投资的研究项目中牟利，互联网使得阅读科研结果成为现实。经济合作及发展组织
近日发布一项调查，描述了这一现象所造成的深远影响。澳大利亚维多利亚大学的John
Houghton和经合组织的Graham Vickery联合完成这一报告，内容使目前为止收入丰厚的出
版商们感到汗颜。但是这项报告的意义远远不止于此，它标志着科学尝试的一项关键性因素
即将发生改变。
在某种程度上来说，知识的价值和公共投资能否取得较高回报，取决于是否能够得到广泛的
流通、人们是否能够比较容易地获取这些研究成果。这是一项很大的产业。在美国，核心科
研出版市场产值每年在70亿美元到110亿美元左右。国际科学、技术和医学出版社集团宣称
全世界专业出版本类期刊的出版商有2000多家。他们每年在16000种刊物上发表120万篇以

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这个数字现 在有所变化。根据OECD报告，目前有75%的专业期刊在互联网上有在线阅
读。全新的商务模式正在形成，报告作者总结出其中三种。第一种是所谓的大订单模式，即
机构团体订阅者通过签订网站协议付钱购买阅读一批刊物文章题目的权限。第二种为开放式
出版模式，这种方式的典型特点是要求作者（或其雇主）付费发表文章。最后一种为开放式
档案模式，即一些组织，比如大学或者国际实验室建立和维护的一些机构数据库。其他的模
式都是对这三种的不同组合，比如延期开放式是指某一些期刊在发表文章的前六个月只允许
付 费阅览，此后转为免费阅读。至少对论文的发表来说，这些都将颠覆传统的同行审阅模式。
2008 Text 3
In the early 1960s Wilt Chamberlain was one of only three players in the National
Basketball Association (NBA) listed at over seven feet. If he had played last season,
however, he would have been one of 42. The bodies playing major professional sports
have changed dramatically over the years, and managers have been more than willing to
adjust team uniforms to fit the growing numbers of bigger, longer frames.
The trend in sports, though, may be obscuring an unrecognized reality: Americans have
generally stopped growing. Though typically about two inches taller now than 140 years
ago, today’s people – especially those born to families who have lived in the U.S. for many
generations – apparently reached their limit in the early 1960s. And they aren’t likely to get
any taller. “In the general population today, at this genetic, environmental level, we’ve
pretty much gone as far as we can go,” says anthropologist William Cameron Chumlea of
Wright State University. In the case of NBA players, their increase in height appears to
result from the increasingly common practice of recruiting players from all over the world.
Growth, which rarely continues beyond the age of 20, demands calories and nutrients –
notably, protein – to feed expanding tissues. At the start of the 20th century,
under- nutrition and childhood infections got in the way. But as diet and health improved,
children and adolescents have, on average, increased in height by about an inch and a
half every 20 years, a pattern known as the secular trend in height. Yet according to the
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, average height – 5′9″ for men, 5′4″ for
women – hasn’t really changed since 1960.
Genetically speaking, there are advantages to avoiding substantial height. During
childbirth, larger babies have more difficulty passing through the birth canal. Moreover,
even though humans have been upright for millions of years, our feet and back continue to
struggle with bipedal posture and cannot easily withstand repeated strain

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imposed by oversize limbs. “There are some real constraints that are set by the genetic
architecture of the individual organism,” says anthropologist William Leonard of
Northwestern University.
Genetic maximums can change, but don’t expect this to happen soon. Claire C. Gordon,
senior anthropologist at the Army Research Center in Natick, Mass., ensures that 90
percent of the uniforms and workstations fit recruits without alteration. She says that,
unlike those for basketball, the length of military uniforms has not changed for some time.
And if you need to predict human height in the near future to design a piece of equipment,
Gordon says that by and large, “you could use today’s data and feel fairly confident.”
在20世纪60年代早期，Wilt Chamberlain是美国国家篮球协会中仅有的身高超过7英尺的三
个人之一。可是如果他参加了上个赛季的话，他就变成了42分之一了。这些年来在较大的
职业体育运动中的运动员的身体状况发生了很大的改变，而他们的经理人也更愿意调整队员
的运动服来适应队员们更大，更高的身材。
虽然体育界的这种趋势可能蒙蔽了一个没有被承认的现实：美国人基本上停止生长了。虽然
现在人们比140年前高了2英寸，特别是那些出生在已移民美国很多代的那些人，但是明显
的，在二十世纪60年代早期，已经到达了他们的身高的极限。他们已经不可能再长得更高
了。“在这个基因和环境的条件下，现在整体的人们已经长到我们能够达到的范围了，”Wright
州大学的人类学家William Cameron Chumlea说道。拿NBA球员来说，他们身高的增加主要
由于从世界各地招募到了球员。
身高的增长一般在20岁以后就停止了，而发育是需要能量和营养的，其中的蛋白质用来供
给组织的生长。在20世纪初，营养不良和儿童疾病妨碍了整体的发育。但是当饮食和健康
的促进，儿童和青少年平均每20年都增长了大概1.5英寸，这就是长高的趋势。根据疾病防
治中心，从1960年开始，人们的平均身高，男性5英尺9英寸，女性5英尺4英寸，就没有怎
么改变了。
总的说来，避免太高的身高是有很多优点的。在生产时，较大的婴儿通过产道是有更多的问
题的。而且，就算人类已经直立行走已经几百万年了，我们的脚和背部继续对抗着巨大的压
力，这些压力来源于双足直立的姿势和巨大的肢体。“有一些限制是个体器官的基因结构导
致的。”西北大学的人类学家William Leonard说道。
基因的最大化可以改变，但是不要期待它会马上就能发生。Mass州的Natick的军队研
究中心的高级人类学家Claire C. Gordon确信百分之九十的入伍新兵不需要更换新的制服和
工作站。她说，不像那些篮球制服，军队的制服长度很长时间都没有改变了。如果你需要在
不远的将来预测人类的身高而去设计一款新的设备，Gordon说基本上，“你都能够使用现在
的数据并且觉得非常地自信。”
2008 Text 4
In 1784, five years before he became president of the United States, George Washington,
52, was nearly toothless. So he hired a dentist to transplant nine teeth into his jaw –
having extracted them from the mouths of his slaves.
That’s a far different image from the cherry- tree-chopping George most people remember
from their history books. But recently, many historians have begun to focus on the roles
slavery played in the lives of the founding generation. They have been spurred in part by
DNA evidence made available in 1998, which almost certainly proved Thomas Jefferson
had fathered at least one child with his slave Sally Hemings. And only over the past 30
years have scholars examined history from the bottom up. Works of several historians

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the country’s infancy. More significantly, they argue that many of the Founding Fathers
knew slavery was wrong – and yet most did little to fight it.
More than anything, the historians say, the founders were hampered by the culture of their
time. While Washington and Jefferson privately expressed distaste for slavery, they also
understood that it was part of the political and economic bedrock of the country they
helped to create.
For one thing, the South could not afford to part with its slaves. Owning slaves was “like
having a large bank account,” says Wiencek, author of An Imperfect God: George
Washington, His Slaves, and the Creation of America. The southern states would not
have signed the Constitution without protections for the “peculiar institution,” including a
clause that counted a slave as three fifths of a man for purposes of congressional
representation.
And the statesmen’s political lives depended on slavery. The three-fifths formula handed
Jefferson his narrow victory in the presidential election of 1800 by inflating the votes of the
southern states in the Electoral College. Once in office, Jefferson extended slavery with
the Louisiana Purchase in 1803; the new land was carved into 13 states, including three
slave states.
Still, Jefferson freed Hemings’s children – though not Hemings herself or his
approximately 150 other slaves. Washington, who had begun to believe that all men were
created equal after observing the bravery of the black soldiers during the Revolutionary
War, overcame the strong opposition of his relatives to grant his slaves their freedom in
his will. Only a decade earlier, such an act would have required legislative approval in
Virginia.
1784，52岁的乔治?华盛顿在成为美国总统5年前，牙齿就几乎已经掉光了。他专门请牙医
从他的奴隶口中拔出九颗牙齿种在自己的身上。
这跟很多人在历史书上读到过的那个砍樱桃树的华盛顿有点大相径庭。但是最近开始，历史
学家开始越来越关注奴隶制在美国开国一代人的生活中所扮演的角色。他们多半是受了
1998年DNA事件的影响。那个事件证明托马斯?杰弗逊至少和他的奴隶萨利?赫明思生过一
个孩子。学者们从头至尾地研究历史还是近三十年的事情。一些历史学家揭示了早期开国者
们的道德妥协和早期国家的不稳定性。更重要的是，他们认为很多开国元勋知道奴隶制是错
误的，但是大多数并没有去反抗。
最主要的原因，就是建国者们受到了当时文化的束缚。当华盛顿和杰弗逊私底下表示对奴隶
制的不满时，他们也

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明白奴隶制同时也是他们努力建造的这个国家的政治经济基础的一部分。
一方面，南方各州无法认同废除奴隶制度。如《不完美的上帝：乔治?华盛顿、他的奴隶和
美国的建立》一书作者Wiencek所描述，拥有努力“就像拥有一笔巨额存款”。如果没有对于
这种“特殊制度”的保护，南方各州不会同意签署宪法。这种特殊的制度保护包括：在国会代
表人数中一个奴隶可以算作五分之三个公民。
政治家的政治生命也取决于奴隶制度。正由于这个五分之三公式，南方选举团的选票扩大了，
杰弗逊才在1800大选中险胜。入主白宫之后的1803年，杰弗逊通过购买路易斯安那州扩大
了奴隶制度，这片土地后来被划分为了13个州，其中包括3个蓄奴州。
然而，杰弗逊还是解放了赫明思的孩子们，虽然没有同样解放赫明思和其他150名奴隶。
华盛顿在目睹了美国独立战争中黑人士兵的英勇之后开始相信人人生就平等。于是，不顾亲
属的反对，他解放了自己所有的努力。而仅仅在十年前，解放奴隶的法案才在弗吉尼亚得以
批准。

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2007 Text 1
If you were to examine the birth certificates of every soccer player in 2006’s World Cup
tournament, you would most likely find a noteworthy quirk: elite soccer players are more
likely to have been born in the earlier months of the year than in the late months. If you
then examined the European national youth teams that feed the World Cup and
professional ranks, you would find this strange phenomenon to be ever more pronounced.
What might account for this strange phenomenon? Here are a few guesses: a) certain
astrological signs confer superior soccer skills; b) winter born babies tend to have higher
oxygen capacity, which increases soccer stamina; c) soccer-mad parents are more likely
to conceive children in springtime, at the annual peak of soccer mania; d) none of the
above.
Anders Ericsson, a 58-year-old psychology professor at Florida State University, says he
believes strongly in “none of the above.” Ericsson grew up in Sweden, and studied nuclear
engineering until he realized he would have more opportunity to conduct his own research
if he switched to psychology. His first experiment, nearly 30 years ago, involved memory:
training a person to hear and then repeat a random series of numbers. “With the first
subject, after about 20 hours of training, his digit span had risen from 7 to 20,” Ericsson
recalls. “He kept improving, and after about 200 hours of training he had risen to over 80
numbers.”
This success, coupled with later research showing that memory itself is not genetically
determined, led Ericsson to conclude that the act of memorizing is more of a cognitive
exercise than an intuitive one. In other words, whatever inborn differences two people
may exhibit in their abilities to memorize, those differences are swamped by how well
each person “encodes” the information. And the best way to learn how to encode
information meaningfully, Ericsson determined, was a process known as deliberate
practice. Deliberate practice entails more than simply repeating a task. Rather, it involves
setting specific goals, obtaining immediate feedback and concentrating as much on
technique as on outcome.
Ericsson and his colleagues have thus taken to studying expert performers in a wide
range of pursuits, including soccer. They gather all the data they can, not just
performance statistics and biographical details but also the results of their own laboratory
experiments with high achievers. Their work makes a rather startling assertion: the trait
we commonly call talent is highly overrated. Or, put another way, expert performers –
whether in memory or surgery, ballet or computer programming–are nearly always made,
not born.
如果你打算在2006年世界杯锦标赛上调查所有足球运动员的出生证明，那么你很有可能发
现一个引人注目的巧合：优秀足球运动员更可能出生于每年的前几个月而不是后几个月。如
果你接着调查 世界杯和职业比赛的欧洲国家青年队的话，那么你会发现这一奇怪的现象甚至
更明显。
什么可以解释这一奇怪的现象呢？下面是一些猜测：a）某种占星术征兆使人具备更高的足
球技能；b）冬季出生的婴儿往往具有更高的供氧能力，这增加了踢足球的持久力；c）热
爱足球的父母更可能在春季（每年足球狂热的鼎盛时期）怀孕；d）以上各项都不是。

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58岁的安德斯?埃里克森是佛罗里达州立大学的一名心理学教授，他说，他坚信“以上各项都

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不是”这一猜测。在瑞典长大的埃 里克森，一直研究核工程，直到他认识到，如果他转向心
理学领域，他将会有更多机会从事自己的研究。他的首次试验是在大约30年以前进行的，
与记忆相关：训练一个人先听一组任意挑选的数字，然后复述这些数字。“在经过大约20小
时的训练之后，第一个试验对象（复述）的数字跨度从7个上升到20个，” 埃里克森回忆说。
“该试验对象不断进步，在接受大约200个小时的训练后，他复述的数字已经达到80多个。”
这一成功，连同后来证明的记忆本身不是遗传决定的研究，使得埃里克森得出结论，即记忆
过程是一种认知练习，而不是一种本能练习。换句话说，无论两个人在记忆力能力上可能存
在怎样的天生差异，这些差异都会被每个人如何恰当地“解读”所记的信息所掩盖。埃里克森
确信，了解如何有目的地解读信息的最佳方法就是一个为人所知的有意练习过程。有意练习
需要的不仅仅是简单地重复一个任务。相反，它包括确定明确的目标、获得即时的反馈以及
技术与结果的浓缩。
因此，埃里克森和他的同事开始研究包括足球领域在内的广泛领域中专业执行者。他们
收集了能够收集的所有资料，不只是表现方面的统计数据和传记详细资料，还包括他们自己
对取得很高成就的人员进行的实验室实验结果。他们的研究得出了一个非常令人惊奇的结论
——我们通常称为天分的特征被高估了。或者，换句话说，专业执行者――无论是在记忆还
是手术方面，在芭蕾还是计算机编程领域――几乎总是培养的，而不是天生的。
2007 Text 2
For the past several years, the Sunday newspaper supplement Parade has featured a
column called “Ask

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Marilyn.” People are invited to query Marilyn vos Savant, who at age 10 had tested at a
mental level of someone about 23 years old; that gave her an IQ of 228 – the highest
score ever recorded. IQ tests ask you to complete verbal and visual analogies, to envision
paper after it has been folded and cut, and to deduce numerical sequences, among other
similar tasks. So it is a bit confusing when vos Savant fields such queries from the
average Joe (whose IQ is 100) as, What’s the difference between love and fondness? Or
what is the nature of luck and coincidence? It’s not obvious how the capacity to visualize
objects and to figure out numerical patterns suits one to answer questions that have
eluded some of the best poets and philosophers.
Clearly, intelligence encompasses more than a score on a test. Just what does it mean to
be smart? How much of intelligence can be specified, and how much can we learn about it
from neurology, genetics, computer science and other fields?
The defining term of intelligence in humans still seems to be the IQ score, even though IQ
tests are not given as often as they used to be. The test comes primarily in two forms: the
Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale and the Wechsler Intelligence Scales (both come in
adult and children’s version). Generally costing several hundred dollars, they are usually
given only by psychologists, although variations of them populate bookstores and the
World Wide Web. Superhigh scores like vos Savant’s are no longer possible, because
scoring is now based on a statistical population distribution among age peers, rather than
simply dividing the mental age by the chronological age and multiplying by 100. Other
standardized tests, such as the Scholastic Assessment Test (SAT) and the Graduate
Record Exam (GRE), capture the main aspects of IQ tests.
Such standardized tests may not assess all the important elements necessary to succeed
in school and in life, argues Robert J. Sternberg. In his article “How Intelligent Is
Intelligence Testing?”, Sternberg notes that traditional test best assess analytical and
verbal skills but fail to measure creativity and practical knowledge, components also
critical to problem solving and life success. Moreover, IQ test do not necessarily predict so
well once populations or situations change. Research has found that IQ predicted
leadership skills when the tests were given under low-stress conditions, but under
high-stress conditions, IQ was negatively correlated with leadership – that is, it predicted
the opposite. Anyone who has toiled through SAT will testify that test-taking skill also
matters, whether it’s knowing when to guess or what questions to skip.
在过去的几年，《星期日报》的增刊《漫步》开设了一个名为“询问玛丽琳”的专栏。人们被
邀请去询问玛丽琳?沃斯?萨文特，玛丽琳?沃斯?萨文特在10岁时测试的智力水平达到别人
23岁时的水平，这使得她的智商高达228――是有记录的最高水平。智商测试要求你完成口
头和视觉分析，要求你在纸张被折叠、剪切后想象它的形状，要求你推论数字的顺序，还有
其他类似的项目。所以，当沃斯?萨文特面对普通人（智商为100）提出的像“热爱与喜爱之
间的区别是什么？”或者“运气与巧合的特征是什么？”这样的问题时，她感到有点困惑。设想
物体、判断数字模式的能力如何使一个人能够回答难倒了一些最杰出的诗人和哲学家的问
题，这可并不那么显而易见。
毫无疑问，智力包含的不仅仅是一次测试所得的分数。而聪明意味着什么？可以明确显示智
力有多少？我们能够从神经学、遗传学、计算机科学以及其他领域了解的智力又有多少？
人类有关智力的定义性术语似乎仍然是智商分数，即使人们并不像以前那样经常进行智商测

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试。智商测试主要表现为两种形式：斯坦福—比奈特智力衡量表和威斯勒智力衡量表（两种

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都包含成人和儿童测试类型）。由于这些测试 一般要花费几百美元，因此通常只有心理学家
才进行这些测试，尽管这些测试的变种存在于书店和环球网上。像沃斯?萨文特得到这样的
超高分数也再不可能，因为现在的分数依据的是相同年龄者的统计学群体分布状况，而不是
简单地通过实足年龄乘以100来划分智能年龄。其他标准测试，比如学术能力检测以及研究
生入学考试，包含了智商测试的主要方面。
罗伯特?杰?斯顿伯格认为，这样的标准测试不可能评估在学校和生活中取得成功所需
的所有重要因素。在其名为“智力测试如何明智？”的文章中，斯顿伯格指出，传统的测试最
恰当地评估了分析能力和语言表达能力，但没有测量创造性和实际知识，这些也是解决问题
和在生活中取得成功的关键因素。而且，一旦种群或环境发生变化，智商测试就不一定预测
得那么准确。研究发现，如果在低压力状况下进行智商测试，那么这种测试就可以预测出领
导才能，但是，在高压力状况下，智商测试所得的结果与领导才能的关系是否定的，也就是
说，它预测的结果是相反的。任何经历过学术能力检测的人都会认为，应试能力也很重要，
无论是知道何时应该进行推测，还是知道应该忽略什么问题。
2007 Text 3
During the past generation, the American middle-class family that once could count on
hard work and fair play to keep itself financially secure had been transformed by economic
risk and new realties. Now a pink slip, a bad diagnosis, or a disappearing spouse can
reduce a family from solidly middle class to newly poor in a few months.
In just one generation, millions of mothers have gone to work, transforming basic family
economics. Scholars, policymakers, and critics of all stripes have debated the social
implications of these changes, but few have looked at the side effect: family risk has risen
as well. Today’s families have budgeted to the limits of theirs new two-paycheck status.
As a result, they have lost the parachuted they once had in times of financial setback – a
back-up earner (usually Mom) who could go into the workforce if the primary earner got
laid off or fell sick. This “added-worker effect” could support the safety net offered by
unemployment insurance or disability insurance to help families weather bad times. But
today, a disruption to family fortunes can no longer be made up with extra income from an
otherwise-stay-at-home partner.
During the same period, families have been asked to absorb much more risk in their
retirement income. Steelworkers, airline employees, and now those in the auto industry
are joining millions of families who must worry about interest rates, stock market
fluctuation, and the harsh reality that they may outlive their retirement money. For

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much of the past year, President Bush campaigned to move Social Security to a
saving-account model, with retirees trading much or all of their guaranteed payments for
payments depending on investment returns. For younger families the picture is not any
better. Both the absolute cost of healthcare and the share of it borne by families have
risen – and newly fashionable health-saving plans are spreading from legislative halls to
Wal-Mart workers, with much higher deductibles and a large new dose of investment risk
for families’ future healthcare. Even demographics are working against the middle class
family, as the odds of having a weak elderly parent – and all the attendant need for
physical and financial assistance – have jumped eightfold in just one generation.
From the middle-class family perspective, much of this, understandably, looks far less like
an opportunity to exercise more financial responsibility, and a good deal more like a
frightening acceleration of the wholesale shift of financial risk onto their already
overburdened shoulders. The financial fallout has begun, and the political fallout may not
be far behind.
在过去的十几年里，美国那些曾经可以依靠辛勤劳动和公平条件以维持其收入稳定的中产阶
层家庭被经济风险和新现实改变了。如今，一份解雇通知书、一个不利的诊断结果或者配偶
的去世都可能在几个月之内将一个家庭从稳定的中产阶层家庭降格成为一个新贫困家庭。
在仅仅一代人的时间里，数百万母亲出去工作，改变了基本的家庭经济状况。学者、决策者
以 及各类批评人士对这些变化的社会意义争论不休，但是，很少有人关注这些变化的副作用：
家庭的风险增 加了。如今的家庭根据其新的双收入限度安排开支。因此，它们失去了它们在
经济萧条时期曾经有过的缓解举措——一个后备挣钱者（通常是妈妈），如果家庭的主要挣
钱者失业了或者病倒了，她可以出去工作。这种“额外工人效应”可以支撑失业保险或残疾保
险提供的安全网，以便帮助家庭渡过难关。但现在，家庭财产的损失再也不可能通过呆在家
里的其他伴侣的额外收入弥补了。
在同一时期，要求家庭在其退休收入中承担更多风险。钢铁厂的工人、航空公司的职员以及
汽车产业工人加入了数百万不得不担心利率、股市波动以及可能比其退休收入存在时间更长
的严酷现实家庭。在去年的大部分时间里，布什总统一直致力于将社会保险体制转变成一种
储蓄存款账户模式，要求退休人员将其大多数或所有保障报酬用来交换依靠投资回报所得的
报酬。对于更年轻的家庭来说，前景不容乐观。卫生保健和家庭承担份额的绝对成本都上涨
了——而且，最近实施的健康储蓄计划正在从立法机关扩展到沃尔玛员工，包含大量更高的
减免，并且给家庭未来的卫生保健带来许多新投资风险。甚至人口统计状况也对中产阶层家
庭不利，因为有一个体弱、年迈的父母——以及由此而产生的所有物资和经济援助——就在
仅仅一代人的时间里增长了8倍。
从中产阶层家庭的角度来看，大多数情况是可以理解的，这根本不像一种发挥更多支付
能力的机会，而是像一种将经济风险大规模转向那些已经负担过重的家庭的令人恐惧的加速
行为。经济副作用已经开始，政治副作用可能也将开始。
2007 Text 4
It never rains but it pours. Just as bosses and boards have finally sorted out their worst
accounting and compliance troubles, and improved their feeble corporation governance, a
new problem threatens to earn them – especially in America – the sort of nasty headlines
that inevitably lead to heads rolling in the executive suite: data insecurity. Left, until now,
to odd, low-level IT staff to put right, and seen as a concern only of data-rich industries
such as banking, telecoms and air travel, information protection is now high on the boss’s

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agenda in businesses of every variety.

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Several massive leakages of customer and employee data this year – from organizations
as diverse as Time Warner, the American defense contractor Science Applications
International Corp and even the University of California, Berkeley – have left managers
hurriedly peering into their intricate IT systems and business processes in search of
potential vulnerabilities.
“Data is becoming an asset which needs to be guarded as much as any other assets,
says Haim Mendelson of Stanford University’s business school. “The ability to guard
customer data is the key to market value, which the board is responsible for on behalf of
shareholders.” Indeed, just as there is the concept of Generally Accepted Accounting
Principles (GAAP), perhaps it is time for GASP, Generally Accepted Security Practices,
suggested Eli Noam of New York’s Columbia Business School. “Setting the proper
investment level for security, redundancy, and recovery is a management issue, not a
technical one,” he says.
The mystery is that this should come as a surprise to any boss. Surely it should be
obvious to the dimmest executive that trust, that most valuable of economic assets, is
easily destroyed and hugely expensive to restore – and that few things are more likely to
destroy trust than a company letting sensitive personal data get into the wrong hands.
The current state of affaires may have been encouraged – though not justified – by the
lack of legal penalty (in America, but not Europe) for data leakage. Until California recently
passed a law, American firms did not have to tell anyone, even the victim, when data went
astray. That may change fast: lots of proposed data-security legislation is now doing the
rounds in Washington, D.C. Meanwhile, the theft of information about some 40 million
credit-card accounts in America, disclosed on June 17th, overshadowed a hugely
important decision a day earlier by America’s Federal Trade Commission (FTC) that puts
corporate America on notice that regulators will act if firms fail to provide adequate data
security.
不鸣则易，一鸣惊人（本来从不下雨的,却下起了倾盆大雨）。就在老板和董事会用最终挑
选 出其最严重的清算帐目和顺从问题以及改善其无效的公司管理之际，一个新的问题预示着
让他们——特别 是在美国——赢得那种令人不愉快的头条新闻的危险，这些头条新闻不可避
免地给这些领导者带来管理方 面的附属效应：信息的不安全性。迄今为止，信息保护工作一
直被留给临时的、低层次的信息技术人员承 担，并且只被看成是信息资源丰富产业所关切的
一个方面，

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比如银行业 、电信业以及航空旅行业，如今，信息保护则成为各类商业老板议事日程中需要
优先考虑的问题。
今年，好几次消费者和员工信息的重大泄密事件使得管理人员匆忙检查其复杂的信息系统和
商业程序，以便寻找潜在的弱点——这些泄密事件发生在像时代华纳、美国国防部承包的科
学应用国际公司以及加州大学伯克利分校这样的不同机构。
斯坦福大学商学院的海姆?门德尔森认为“信息正在成为一种需要像保护其他财产一样而保
护的财产”。“保护消费者信息的能力是市场价值的关键因素，这是董事会应该为了股东的利
益而承担的责任”。纽约哥伦比亚商学院的埃尼?诺姆暗示，事实上，正如存在公认会计原则
的观念一样，或许可能应该是采取公认安全措施的时候了。他表示“为安全、备份以及恢复
确定适当的投资标准是一个管理问题，不是技术问题。”。
其神秘在于，对任何老板来说，这可能是一个意外。然而，对于最迟钝的管理人员来说，显
而 易见的应该是，作为最珍贵经济财产的诚信被轻易破坏，而要恢复诚信却代价高昂，而且，
很少有什么比 一个公司让敏感的个人信息落入不妥当人之手更可能破坏诚信的了。
这类事情的现状可能受到缺乏有关信息泄露的法律处罚（在美国，不是在欧洲）的激励，尽
管还没有的到证实。直到加利福尼亚最近通过了一项法律，美国的公司不必告知任何人信息
何时泄露，甚至包括受害人。这种情况可能迅速改变：如今，许多被提议的信息保护立法正
在华盛顿特区讨论。同时，6月17日有关偷窃大约4000万信用卡账户信息事件的披露给得此
前一天美国商务委员会的一个重要决定蒙上阴影，该决定请全美国注意，如果公司没有提供
适当的信息安全保护措施，那么监管人员就会采取行动。

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2006 Text 1
In spite of “endless talk of difference”，American society is an amazing machine for
homogenizing people. There is “the democratizing uniformity of dress and discourse，and
the casualness and absence of deference” characteristic of popular culture. People are
absorbed into “a culture of consumption ”launched by the 19th—century department
stores that offered “vast arrays of goods in an elegant atmosphere. Instead of intimate
shops catering to a knowledgeable elite， ”these were stores “anyone could enter，
regardless of class or background. This turned shopping into a public and democratic
act. ”The mass media， advertising and sports are other forces for homogenization.
Immigrants are quickly fitting into this common culture， which may not be altogether
elevating but is hardly poisonous. Writing for the National Immigration Forum， Gregory
Rodriguez reports that today’s immigration is neither at unprecedented levels nor resistant
to assimilation. In 1998 immigrants were 9.8 percent of population； in 1900， 13.6
percent .In the 10 years prior to 1990， 3.1 immigrants arrived for every 1，000 residents；
in the 10 years prior to 1890， 9.2 for every 1，000. Now， consider three indices of
assimilation–language， home ownership and intermarriage.
The 1990 Census revealed that “a majority of immigrants from each of the fifteen most
common countries of origin spoke English“well”or“very well”after ten years of
residence. ”The children of immigrants tend to be bilingual and proficient in English. “By
the third generation ， the original language is lost in the majority of immigrant
families. ”Hence the description of America as a“graveyard”for languages. By 1996
foreign–born immigrants who had arrived before 1970 had a homeownership rate of 75.6
percent， higher than the 69.8 percent rate among native- born Americans.
Foreign-born Asians and Hispanics “have higher rates of intermarriage than do U.S–born
whites and blacks. ”By the third generation， one third of Hispanic women are married to
non-Hispanics， and 41 percent of Asian–American women are married to non-Asians.
Rodriguez notes that children in remote villages around the world are fans of superstars
like Arnold Schwarzenegger and Garth Brooks， yet “some Americans fear that immigrant
living within the United States remain somehow immune to the nation’s assimilative
power.”
Are there divisive issues and pockets of seething anger in America？ Indeed. It is big
enough to have a bit of everything. But particularly when viewed against America‘s
turbulent past， today’s social induces hardly suggest a dark and deteriorating social
environment.
不管我们如何喋喋不休地谈论差别，美国社会实际上是一台同化人们的神奇的机器。这就是
民主化的着装和言谈，并且还有种随意和缺乏尊重感，这些构成了通俗文化的特性。人们被
一种消费文化所吸引了，这种文化是由十九世纪在高雅的氛围中陈列着琳琅满目的商品的百
货商店所开始的。 他们不是为了迎合有知识的精英们而开设的专门商店，而是创建了“不分
阶层和背景人人都可以进入”的大众商店。这使得购物成为一种大众的、民主的行为。大众
传媒、广告和体育也是协助人们均质化的推动力。
尽管这种文化并不算高雅，但也算不上有害，移民们很快就融入了这种共同文化。Gregory Rodriguez为美国移民研讨会撰文指出，今天的移民既不是处于空前的水平，也不抵制同化。

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在1998年，移民占全国人口的9.8%；在1900年为13.6%。在1990年以前 的十年之中，在每

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千位居民当中，有千分之3.1的新来的移民；而在1890年以前的十年之中，每千位居民当中
就有千分之9.2的移民。现在，让我们来看一下三个同化指标——语言、拥有产权住房和异
族结婚情况。
1990年的人口普查透露：“来自十五个移民数量最多的国家的移民在到美国十年后英语说得
‘好’或‘很好’。”移民的子女几乎都说两种语言，且精通英语。“到了第三代，在大多数移民家
庭，他们的母语就消失了。”因此，有人就把美国描述成了“语言的坟场”。到了1996年，出
























































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生于国外的 、在1970年以前到达美国的移民有75.6%购置了自己的住房，这

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个数字高出土生土长的美国人的拥有自己所有权住房的百分比——69.8%。
在国外出生的亚裔和西班牙裔移民“与美国本土白人和黑人相比，与异族通婚的比率要高。”
到了第三代，有三分之一的西班牙裔女性与非西班牙裔男性结婚，而有41%亚裔美国妇女与
非亚裔男性结婚。罗得里格斯写道，即使那些住在世界各地偏僻村庄的的孩子们都是诸如阿
诺.施瓦辛格和加思.布鲁克斯等明星的星迷，然而“一些美国人却害怕住在美国的移民不知为
何能不受这个国家的同化力量的影响” 。
在美国是否存在不和以及潜在的不安？答案是肯定的，因为这个国家足够大以至于什么现象
都存在。但是与美国动荡狂暴的过去相比，如今的社会基本不能说明美国的社会环境正变得
黑暗，且正在恶化。
2006 Text 2
Stratford-on- Avon， as we all know， has only one industry- William Shakespeare-but
there are two distinctly separate and increasingly hostile branches. There is the Royal
Shakespeare Company （RSC）， which presents superb productions of the plays at the
Shakespeare Memorial Theatre on the Avon. And there are the townsfolk who largely live
off the tourists who come，not to see the plays，but to look at Anne Hathaway‘s Cottage，
Shakespeare’s birthplace and the other sights.
The worthy residents of Stratford doubt that the theatre adds a penny to their revenue.
They frankly dislike the RSC’s actors， them with their long hair and beards and sandals
and noisiness. It’s all deliciously ironic when you consider that Shakespeare， who earns
their living， was himself an actor （with a beard） and did his share of noise - making.
The tourist streams are not entirely separate. The sightseers who come by bus- and often
take in Warwick Castle and Blenheim Palace on the side– don’t usually see the plays，
and some of them are even surprised to find a theatre in Stratford. However， the
playgoers do manage a little sight - seeing along with their play- going. It is the playgoers，
the RSC contends， who bring in much of the town’s revenue because they spend the
night（some of them four or five nights）pouring cash into the hotels and restaurants. The
sightseers can take in everything and get out of town by nightfall.
The townsfolk don’t see it this way and local council does not contribute directly to the
subsidy of the Royal Shakespeare Company. Stratford cries poor traditionally.
Nevertheless every hotel in town seems to be adding a new wing or cocktail lounge. Hilton
is building its own hotel there， which you may be sure will be decorated with Hamlet
Hamburger Bars， the Lear Lounge， the Banquo Banqueting Room， and so forth， and
will be very expensive.
Anyway， the townsfolk can’t understand why the Royal Shakespeare Company needs a
subsidy. （The theatre has broken attendance records for three years in a row. Last year
its 1，431 seats were 94 per cent occupied all year long and this year they’ll do better.）
The reason， of course， is that costs have rocketed and ticket prices have stayed low.
It would be a shame to raise prices too much because it would drive away the young
people who are Stratford‘s most attractive clientele. They come entirely for the plays， not
the sights. They all seem to look alike （though they come from all over）–lean， pointed，
dedicated faces，wearing jeans and sandals，eating their buns and bedding down for the
night on the flagstones outside the theatre to buy the 20 seats and 80 standing-room
tickets held for the sleepers and sold to them when the box office opens at 10：30 a.m.

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众所周知Stratford-on- Avon只有一个特色,那就是威廉?莎士比亚,但这儿却有两个相互独立

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的部门,他们随着时间的变化而日益变得敌对。这儿有皇 家莎士比亚公司（RSC）， 它在
Avon的莎士比亚纪念剧院里将很多优秀的戏剧作品呈现给大家 。这儿的居民大部分是靠挣
来游玩的游客的钱来维持生计，这些游客并不是来看戏剧的，而是来看Anne Hathaway的
庄园，莎士比亚的出生地和其他的景色。
Stratford的当地乡绅们都质疑剧院有没有为当地的税收收入做一点贡献。他们直言讨厌RSC
的演员，这些演员留着长头发，长胡须，拖着凉鞋，吵吵嚷嚷。这真是一种绝妙的讽刺，当
你想到作为他们摇钱树的莎士比亚,自己也是个演员，留着胡子，一起大吵大闹。
游客群并不是完全分开的。游览者乘公车来,，经常会去游览Warwick城堡和Blenheim宫
殿，通常不会去看戏，并且他们中的一些人甚至会对在Stratford能找到剧院感到惊讶。然而，
看戏者只花少量的时间在观光上，也就是在戏剧演出时顺便看看。RSC主张，是看戏者给
城镇带来大量的税收，因为他们通常花整晚上时间（有些是四到五个晚上）在旅馆或饭店里
大量消费。然而游览者在当天的黄昏前就能把所有事情做完了，然后离开小镇。
当地居民并不这么认为，地方政府也直接没有给予RSC补贴。Stratford一向都会哭穷。然而
城镇上每一家旅馆似乎都增加了新的部门或是鸡尾酒酒吧。希尔顿也在这儿建了一座自己的
酒店，这里肯定可以能看到被装饰一新的哈姆雷特汉堡酒吧，Lear休息室，宴会厅等等。进
一步说，这里消费将很贵。
总之，居民不明白为什么RSC需要补贴。（剧院已经打破了连续三年以来的就座率纪录。
去年整年的1431个座位的就坐率达到了94%，今年将会更高。）当然，原因是，演戏的花
费高了，然而票价仍然很低。
大幅增加票价是一件很为难的事情，因为这样会把Stratford的最有魅力的顾客－年轻人赶 < br>走。他们完全是为了戏而来，不是为风景。他们看起来都一个样（虽然他们从各个地方而来）
—— 消瘦、率直、专注的脸庞，穿着牛仔裤和便鞋，吃着小圆面包，在剧场外的石板上过夜，
以便能买得到2 0张座票和80张站票，这些票都是为那些睡觉的人准备的，并且在票房第二
天上午10点半开始售票时就卖给他们。
2006 Text 3

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When prehistoric man arrived in new parts of the world， something strange happened to
the large animals. they suddenly became extinct. Smaller species survived. The large，
slow-growing animals were easy game， and were quickly hunted to
something similar could be happening in the oceans.
That the seas are being overfished has been known for years. What researchers such as
Ransom Myers and Boris Worm have shown is just how fast things are changing. They
have looked at half a century of data from fisheries around the world. Their methods do
not attempt to estimate the actual biomass（the amount of living biological matter） of fish
species in particular parts of the ocean， but rather changes in that biomass over time.
According to their latest paper published in Nature， the biomass of large predators
（animals that kill and eat other animals） in a new fishery is reduced on average by 80%
within 15 years of the start of exploitation. In some long-fished areas， it has halved again
since then.
Dr. Worm acknowledges that these figures are conservative. One reason for this is that
fishing technology has improved. Today’s vessels can find their prey using satellites and
sonar， which were not available 50 years ago. That means a higher proportion of what is
in the sea is being caught， so the real difference between present and past is likely to be
worse than the one recorded by changes in catch sizes. In the early days， too， lonelines
would have been more saturated with fish. Some individuals would therefore not have
been caught， since no baited hooks would have been available to trap them， leading to
an underestimate of fish stocks in the past. Furthermore， in the early days of longline
fishing， a lot of fish were lost to sharks after they had been hooked. That is no longer a
problem， because there are fewer sharks around now.
Dr. Myers and Dr. worm argue that their work gives a correct baseline， which future
management efforts must take into account. They believe the date support an idea current
among marine biologists， that of the “shifting baseline”. The notion is that people have
failed to detect the massive changes which have happened in the ocean because they
have been looking back only a relatively short time into the past. That matters because
theory suggests that the maximum sustainable yield that can be cropped from a fishery
comes when the biomass of a target species is about 50% of its original levels. Most
fisheries are well below that， which is a bad way to be business.
当史前的人到达世界的一个新的地方时，那里的大部分动物就会发生奇怪的事情。它们突然
灭绝了。小部分动物种族存活了下来，但大部分的，成长缓慢的动物则成了狩猎的目标，并
且很快被狩猎到灭绝。现在相类似的事情发生在大海中.
这些年在海中的捕捞活动太过频繁，就像Ransom Myers和Boris Worm这些年所研究的，事
物在迅速地变化着。他们研究了半个世纪以来世界上所有的鱼场。他们的方法不是为了试图
估算特定区域的海洋中实际动物总数（活着生物的总数），而是研究单位面积中海洋生物数
量的变化。根据他们最近在《自然》杂志上发表的文章，大型食肉的海洋生物（一种杀死和
吃其它动物的生物）的总量在15年的时间里已经减少了平均80%。在一些大型的捕鱼场，
这个数量已经减半。
Worm博士承认这些数字还只是保守数字 ，一个原因是今天的捕鱼技术已经大大改善，可
以通过卫星和声波这些在50年前不可能有的东西来发现猎物，这同50年前相比意味着可以
捕获更多的海洋生物，所以现在和过去的真正差距可能会比之前在捕获区记录的数据所体现

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出的更糟糕。在早期的时候，多勾的鱼杆线已经对鱼不起作用了。因此有一些鱼种没被抓到，

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往后没有鱼 饵的鱼钩根本捕不到鱼，导致过去的捕鱼业受到轻视。而且，早期用鱼钩捕鱼的
日子，有许多鱼在它们上钩后被鲨鱼给吃了。那不再是个问题，因为现在鲨鱼已经很少了。
Dr. Myers和Dr. worm声称说，他们的工作已经确定了一个正确的基本方针，这个方针是未
来管理中必须要使用的。他们认为数据恰恰体现了一个海洋生物学家都支持的观点。这个观
点就是“改变基线”。这个概念就是说人们已经很难观察得到大范围海洋中发生的变化，因为
他们只是回顾从过去以来相对短的时间。这确有其事，因为理论告诉我们如果一个渔场的总
储量如果连起初的最大可承受的捕鱼量的50％都不到，就应该降低捕鱼数量了。大多数渔
场远远低于这个数，这是对以后的捕鱼业非常不利的。
2006 Text 4
Many things make people think artists are weird. But the weirdest may be this：artists’ only
job is to explore emotions， and yet they choose to focus on the ones that feel bad.
This wasn’t always so. The earliest forms of art， like painting and music， are those best
suited for expressing joy. But somewhere from the 19th century onward, more artists
began seeing happiness as meaningless, phony or, worst of all, boring ,as we went from
Wordsworth’s daffodils to Baudelaire’s flowers of evil.
You could argue that art became more skeptical of happiness because modern times
have seen so much misery. But it’s not as if earlier times didn’t know perpetual war，
disaster and the massacre of innocents. The reason, in fact, may be just the opposite：
there is too much damn happiness in the world today.
After all， what is the one modern form of expression almost completely dedicated to
depicting happiness？ Advertising. The rise of anti-happy art almost exactly tracks the
emergence of mass media, and with it, a commercial culture in which happiness is not just
an ideal but an ideology.
People in earlier eras were surrounded by reminders of misery. They worked until
exhausted， lived with few protections and died young. In the West， before mass
communication and literacy， the most powerful mass medium was the church， which
reminded worshippers that their souls were in danger and that they would someday be
meat for worms. Given all this， they did not exactly need their art to be a bummer too.

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Today the messages the average Westerner is surrounded with are not religious but
commercial， and forever happy .Fast-food eaters， news anchors， text messengers，
all smiling， smiling. Our magazines feature beaming celebrities and happy families in
perfect homes. And since these messages have an agenda—to lure us to open our
wallets － they make the very idea of happiness seem unreliable.
“Celebrate ！”commanded the ads for the arthritis drug Celebrex, before we found out it
could increase the risk of heart attacks.
But what we forget—what our economy depends on us forgetting——is that happiness is
more than pleasure without pain. The things that bring the greatest joy carry the greatest
potential for loss and disappointment. Today ， surrounded by promises of easy
happiness， we need art to tell us， as religion once did， Memento mori： remember that
you will die， that everything ends， and that happiness comes not in denying this but in
living with it. It’s a message even more bitter than a clove cigarette, yet, somehow, a
breath of fresh air.
许多事情让人们觉得艺术家很古怪。最古怪可能是：艺术家的唯一工作就是寻找情感，然而
他们所关注的对象大多是那些不幸的人。
当然不总是那样。艺术的最早形式，像绘画和音乐，都是最适合表达快乐的。但在19世纪
的某个时期，更多的艺术家开始把快乐看成无意义的，假冒的，甚至是最糟的。我们可以从
Wordsworth的黄水仙到Baudelaire的罪恶之花看出这种变化。
你可能会争论艺术变得对幸福如此怀疑是因为在现代看到了这样的苦难。但这并不是因为在
早期不了解持久的战争,灾难和大规模的屠杀无辜。事实上，原因可能与之相反：现在世界
上有太多快乐要去谴责。
归根结底，几乎完全致力于描写快乐的那种现代表现方式是什么呢？广告。反快乐艺术的兴
起几乎完全与大众传媒同步出现，而随之兴起了一种商业文化，在这种文化中，快乐不仅是
一个抽象概念，而是一种意识形态。
早期的人们被悲痛之使者所萦绕。他们工作到筋疲力尽，生活几无保障，年纪轻轻就命丧黄
泉。在西方，在大众传媒和文学普及之前，最有效的大众媒体是教堂，它提醒信徒们，他们
的灵魂处于危险之中，他们总有一天会成为蛆虫的食物。在这种信仰下，他们对此已十分了
然，无须其艺术再表现这种失落感。
今天，你们普通西方人面对的围绕我们四周的信息不是宗教的，而是商业的，而且一直让人
快乐。 快餐食客、新闻主播、发短信的人，都在笑啊笑啊。我们的杂志突出刊登满面春风
的名人和美满幸福的家庭。这样的消息都有一项任务——即引诱我们打开钱包去使这些看起
来并不可靠的快乐变得真实起来。“欢庆吧！”宣传关节炎良药西乐葆的广告这样号召道，随
后我们却发现它能增加心脏病的发病率。
但是我们所忘记的是――我们的经济依赖着我们的遗忘――经过痛苦得来的快乐比没
有经过痛苦得来的快乐好得多。带给我们最大快乐的事件，同时也暗含着巨大的损失和失望。
现在，在耳边充斥着能轻易得到快乐的承诺时，我们需要有人告诉我们，正如宗教曾经所做，
死亡警示：记住你会死，一切将会终结， 快乐虽然到来，但是它不能消除苦难，而是与其
共存。这可能比抽烟更加毒害人的健康，然而，不知为何，也许会带来一股清新的气息。

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2005 Text
Everybody loves a fat pay rise. Yet pleasure at your own can vanish if you learn that a

colleague has been given a bigger one. Indeed, if he has a reputation for slacking, you
might even be outraged. Such behaviour is regarded as “all too human”, with the
underlying assumption that other animals would not be capable of this finely developed
sense of grievance. But a study by Sarah Brosnan and Frans de Waal of Emory University
in Atlanta, Georgia, which has just been published in Nature, suggests that it all too
monkey, as well.
The researchers studied the behaviour of female brown capuchin monkeys. They look
cute. They are good-natured, co-operative creatures, and they share their food tardily.
Above all, like their female human counterparts, they tend to pay much closer attention to
the value of “goods and services” than males.
Such characteristics make them perfect candidates for Dr. Brosnan's and Dr. de waal's;
study. The researchers spent two years teaching their monkeys to exchange tokens for
food. Normally, the monkeys were happy enough to exchange pieces of rock for slices of
cucumber. However, when two monkeys were placed in separate but adjoining chambers,
so that each could observe what the other was getting in return for its rock, their behaviour
became markedly different.
In the world of capuchins grapes are luxury goods (and much preferable to cucumbers)
So when one monkey was handed a grape in exchange for her token, the second was
reluctant to hand hers over for a mere piece of cucumber. And if one received a grape
without having to provide her token in exchange at all, the other either tossed her own
token at the researcher or out of the chamber, or refused to accept the slice of
cucumber .Indeed, the mere presence of a grape in the other chamber (without an actual
monkey to eat it) was enough to induce resentment in a female capuchin.
The researches suggest that capuchin monkeys, like humans, are guided by social
emotions, in the wild, they are a co- operative, groupliving species, Such co-operation is
likely to be stable only when each animal feels it is not being cheated. Feelings of
righteous indignation, it seems, are not the preserve of people alone, Refusing a lesser
reward completely makes these feelings abundantly clear to other members of the group.
However, whether such a sense of fairness evolved independently in capuchins and
humans, or whether it stems from the common ancestor that the species had 35 million
years ago, is, as yet, an unanswered question.
人人都喜欢大幅加薪，但是当你知道一个同事薪水加得比你还要多的时候，那么加薪带给你
的喜悦感就消失的无影无踪了。如果他还以懒散出名的话，你甚至会变得怒不可遏。这种行
为被看作是“人之长情”，其潜在的假定其他动物不可能具有如此高度发达的不公平意识。但
是由佐治亚州亚特兰大埃里莫大学的Sarah Brosnan 和Frans de Waal进行的一项研究表
明，它也是“猴之常情”。这项研究成果刚刚发表在《自然》杂志上。

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研究者们对 雌性棕色卷尾猴的行为进行了研究。它们看起来很可爱，性格温顺，合作，乐于
分享食物。最重要的是，就象女人们一样，它们往往比雄性更关注“商品和服务”价值。这些
特性使它们成为Brosnan 和 de Waal理想的研究对象。研究者们花了两年的时间教这些猴
子用代币换取食物。正常情况下，猴子很愿意用几块石头换几片黄瓜。但是，当两个猴子被
安置在隔开但相邻的两个房间里，能够互相看见对方用石头换回来什么东西时，猴子的行为
就会变的明显不同。
在卷尾猴的世界里，葡萄是奢侈品（比黄瓜受欢迎得多）。所以当一只猴子用一个代币换回
一颗葡萄时，第二只猴子就不愿意用自己的代币换回一片黄瓜。如果一只猴子根本无需用代
币就能够得到一颗葡萄的话，那么另外一只就会将代币掷向研究人员或者扔出房间外，或者
拒绝接受那片黄瓜。事实上，只要在另一房间里出现了葡萄（不管有没有猴子吃它），都足
以引起雌卷尾猴的怨恨。
研究人员指出，正如人类一样，卷尾猴也受社会情感的影响。在野外，它们是相互合作
的群居动物。只有当每只猴子感到自己没有受到欺骗时，这种合作才可能稳定。不公平而引
起的愤怒感似乎不是人类的专利。拒绝接受较少的酬劳可以让这些情绪准确无误地传达给其
它成员。但是这种公平感是在卷尾猴和人类身上各自独立演化而成，还是来自三千五百万前
他们共同的祖先，这还是一个悬而未决的问题。
2005 Text 2
Do you remember all those years when scientists argued that smoking would kill us but
the doubters insisted that we didn't know for sure? That the evidence was inconclusive,
the science uncertain? That the antismoking lobby was out to destroy our way of life and
the government should stay out of the way? Lots of Americans bought that nonsense, and
over three decades, some 10 million smokers went to early graves.
There are upsetting parallels today, as scientists in one wave after another try to awaken
us to the growing threat of global warming. The latest was a panel from the National
Academy of Sciences, enlisted by the White House, to tell us that the Earth's atmosphere
is definitely warming and that the problem is largely man-made. The clear message is that
we should get moving to protect ourselves. The president of the National Academy, Bruce
Alberts, added this key point in the preface to the panel's report “Science never has all the
answers .But science does provide us with the best available guide to the future, and it is
critical that our nation and the world base important policies on the best judgments that
science can provide concerning the future consequences of present actions.”
Just as on smoking, voices now come from many quarters insisting that the science about
global warming is incomplete, that it's Ok to keep pouring fumes into the air until we know
for sure. This is a dangerous game: by the 100 percent of the evidence is in, it may be too
late. With the risks obvious and growing, a prudent people would take out an insurance
policy now.
Fortunately, the White House is starting to pay attention. But it's obvious that a majority of
the president's advisers still don't take global warming seriously. Instead of a plan of
action, they continue to press for more research-a classic case of “paralysis by analysis”.
To serve as responsible stewards of the planet, we must press forward on deeper
atmospheric and oceanic research But research alone is inadequate. If the Administration
won't take the legislative initiative, Congress should help to begin fashioning conservation
measures .A bill by Democratic Senator Robert Byrd of West Virginia, which would offer

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financial incentives for private industry is a promising start Many see that the country is

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getting ready to build lots of new power plants to meet our energy needs. If we are ever
going to protect the atmosphere, it is crucial that those new plants be environmentally
sound.
还记得科学家们认为吸烟会致人死亡，而那些怀疑者们却坚持认为我们无法对此得出定论的
时候吗？还记得怀疑者们坚持认为缺乏决定性的证据，科学也不确定的时候吗？还记得怀疑
者们坚持认为反对吸烟的游说是为了毁掉我们的生活方式，而政府应该置身事外的时候吗？
许多美国人相信了这些胡言乱语，在三十多年中，差不多有一千万烟民早早的进了坟墓。
现在出现了与吸烟类似的令人感到难过的事情。科学家们前仆后继，试图使我们意识到全球
气候变暖所带来的日益严重的威胁。最近的行动是由白宫召集了一批来自国家科学院的专家
团，他们告诉我们，地球气候毫无疑问正在变暖，而这个问题主要是人为造成的。明确的信
息表明是我们应该立刻着手保护自己。国家科学院院长Bruce Alberts在专家团报告的前言中
加上了这一重要观点：“科学解答不了所有问题。但是科学确实为我们的未来提供了最好的
指导，关键是我们的国家和整个的世界在做重要决策时，应该以科学能够提供的关于人类现
在的行为对未来影响最好的判断作为依据。
就象吸烟问题一样，来自不同领域的声音坚持认为有关全球变暖的科学资料还不完整。在我
们证实这件事之前可以向大气中不断的排放气体。这是一个危险的游戏；到了有百分之百的
证据的时候，可能就太晚了。随着风险越来越明显，并且不断增加，一个谨慎的民族现在应
该准备一份保单了。
幸运的是，白宫开始关注这件事了。但是显然大多数总统顾问并没有认真看待全球气候变暖
这个问题。他们没有出台行动计划，相反只是继续迫切要求进行更多的研究――这是一个经
典的“分析导致麻痹案例”。
为了成为地球上有责任心的一员，我们必须积极推进对于大气和海洋的深入研究。但只有研
究是不够的。如果政府不争取立法上的主动权，国会就应该帮助政府开始采取保护措施。弗
吉尼亚的民主党议员Robert Byrd提出一项议案，从经济上激励私企，就是一个良好的开端。
许多人看到这个国家正准备修建许多新的发电厂，以满足我们的能源需求。如果我们准备保
护大气，关键要让这些新发电厂对环境无害。
2005 Text 3

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Of all the components of a good night's sleep, dreams seem to be least within our control.
In dreams, a window opens into a world where logic is suspended and dead people speak.
A century ago, Freud formulated his revolutionary theory that dreams were the disguised
shadows of our unconscious desires and rears, by the late 1970s. neurologists had
switched to thinking of them as just “mental noise” the random byproducts of the
neural- repair work that goes on during sleep. Now researchers suspect that dreams are
part of the mind's emotional thermostat, regulating moods while the brain is “off-line” And
one leading authority says that these intensely powerful mental events can be not only
harnessed but actually brought under conscious control, to help us sleep and feel better,
“It's your dream” says Rosalind Cartwright, chair of psychology at Chicago's Medical
Center. “If you don't like it , change it.”
Evidence from brain imaging supports this view. The brain is as active during REM (rapid
eye movement) sleep-when most vivid dreams occur-as it is when fully awake, says Dr,
Eric Nofzinger at the University of Pittsburgh. But not all parts of the brain are equally
involved, the limbic system (the “emotional brain”)is especially active, while the prefrontal
cortex (the center of intellect and reasoning) is relatively quiet. “We wake up from dreams
happy of depressed, and those feelings can stay with us all day” says Stanford sleep
researcher Dr, William Dement.
The link between dreams and emotions shows up among the patients in Cartwright’s clinic.
Most people seem to have more bad dreams early in the night, progressing toward
happier ones before awakening, suggesting that they are working through negative
feelings generated during the day. Because our conscious mind is occupied with daily life
we don’t always think about the emotional significance of the day’s events-until, it appears,
we begin to dream.
And this process need not be left to the unconscious. Cartwright believes one can
exercise conscious control over recurring bad dreams As soon as you awaken, identify
what is upsetting about the dream. Visualize how you would like it to end instead, the next
time is occurs, try to wake up just enough to control its course. With much practice people
can learn to, literally, do it in their sleep.
At the end of the day, there's probably little reason to pay attention to our dreams at all
unless they keep us from sleeping of “we wake u in a panic,” Cartwright says Terrorism,
economic uncertainties and general feelings of insecurity have increased people's anxiety.
Those suffering from persistent nightmares should seek help from a therapist For the rest
of us, the brain has its ways of working through bad feelings. Sleep-or rather dream-on it
and you'll feel better in the morning.
在高质量睡眠的所有因素中，梦似乎是最无法控制的一个。在梦中，窗户通向的世界里，逻
辑暂时失去了效用，死人开口说话。一个世纪前，弗洛伊德阐述了革命性的理论，即梦是人
们潜意识中欲望和恐惧经伪装后的预示；到了20世纪70年代末期，神经病学家们转而认为
梦是“精神噪音”，即睡眠时进行的神经修复活动的一种杂乱的副产品。目前，研究人员猜想
梦是大脑情感自动调节系统的组成部分，当大脑处于“掉线”状态时对情绪进行规整。一名主
要的权威人士说，梦这种异常强烈的精神活动不仅能被驾驭，事实上还可以有意识地加以控
制，以帮助我们更好地睡眠和感觉。芝加哥医疗中心心里学系主任 Rosalind Cartwright说“梦
是你自己的，如果你不喜欢，就改变它。”

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大脑造影的证据支持了以上观点。匹兹堡大学的埃里克博士说，在出现清晰梦境的快速动眼

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睡眠中大脑和完全清醒时一样活跃。但并非大脑的所有部分都一样，脑边缘系统 （“情绪大
脑”）异常活跃，而前额皮层（思维和推理的中心地带）则相对平静大。斯坦福睡眠研究员
William Dement博士说：“我们从梦中醒来，或者高兴或者沮丧，这些情绪会伴随我们一整
天。”
梦和情绪之间的联系在Cartwright的诊所的病人身上显露出来了。多数人似乎在晚上入睡的
较早阶段做更多不好的梦，而在快睡醒前会逐渐做开心一些的梦，这说明人们在梦里渐渐克
服了白天的不良情绪。因为清醒时我们的头脑被日常琐事占据着，所以并不总是想到白天发
生的事情对我们情绪的影响，直到我们开始做梦，这种影响才出现。
这一过程不一定是无意识的。Cartwright认为人们可以练习有意识地控制噩梦的重演。你一
醒来就立刻确定梦中有什么在困扰你，设想一下你所希望的梦的结局，下次再做同样的梦时，
试 图醒来以控制它的进程。通过多次练习，人们完全可以学会在梦中这样做。
Cartwright说，说到底，只要梦不使我们无法睡眠或“从梦中惊醒”，就没有理由太在意所做
的梦。恐怖主义、经济不确定及通常的不安全感都增加了人们的焦虑。那些长期受到噩梦折
磨的人应该寻求专家帮助，而对其他人来说，大脑有自动消除不良情绪的方法。安心睡觉甚
至做梦，早上醒来时你会感觉好多了。
2005 Text 4
American no longer expect public figures, whether in speech or in writing, to command the
English language with skill and gift. Nor do they aspire to such command themselves. In
his latest book, Doing Our Own Thing. The Degradation of language and Music and why
we should like, care, John McWhorter, a linguist and controversialist of mixed liberal and
conservative views, sees the triumph of 1960s counter-culture as responsible for the
decline of formal English.
Blaming the permissive 1960s is nothing new, but this is not yet another criticism against
the decline in education. ter’s academic speciality is language history and
change, and he sees gradual disappearance of “whom” ,for example, to be natural and no
more regranttable than the loss of the case-endings of Old English
But the cult of the authentic and the personal, “doing our own thing”, has spelt the death of
formal speech, writing, poetry and music. While even the modestly educated sought an
elevated tone when they put pen to paper before the 1960s, even the most well regarded
writing since then has sought to capture spoken English on the page. Equally, in poetry,
the highly personal, performative genre is the only form that could claim real liveliness. In
both oral and written English, talking is triumphing over speaking, spontaneity over craft.
Illustrated with an entertaining array of examples from both high and low culture, the trend
that Mr. McWhorter

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documents is unmistakable. But it is less clear, to take the question of his subtitle, why we
should, like care. As a linguist, he acknowledges that all varieties of human language,
including non-standard ones like Black English, can be powerfully expressive- there exists
no language or dialect in the world that cannot convey complex ideas .He is not arguing,
as many do, that we can no longer think straight because we do not talk proper.
Russians have a deep love for their own language and carry large chunks of memorized
poetry in their heads, while Italian politicians tend to elaborate speech that would seem
old-fashioned to most English-speakers. Mr. McWhorter acknowledges that formal
language is not strictly necessary, and proposes no radical education reforms-he is really
grieving over the loss of something beautiful more than useful. We now take our English
“on paper plates instead of china”. A shame, perhaps, but probably an inevitable one.
美国人已不再期待公众人物在演讲或写作中能运用技巧和文采来驾驭英语，而公众人物自己
也不渴望这样。语言学家麦荷特喜好争论，他的观点混杂着自由派与保守派的看法。在他最
近的书《做我们自己的事：语言和音乐的退化，以及为什么我们应该喜欢或在意？》中，这
位学者认为60年代反文化运动的胜利要对正式英语的退化负责。
责备放纵的六十年代不是什么新鲜事，但这次算不上是对教育衰落的又一场批判。麦荷特先
生的学术专长在于语言史和语言演变。举例来说，他认为“whom”一词的逐渐消失是自然的，
并不比古英语中词格尾缀的消失更让人惋惜。
然而，“做自己的事”这一对事务真实性和个人性的崇高信条，已经导致了正式演讲、写作、
诗歌及音乐的消亡。在20世纪60年代以前，仅受过一般教育的人在下笔时都会寻求一种更
高雅的强调；而那之后，即使是最受关注的文章也开始逮住口语就写在纸面上。同样的，对
于诗歌来说，非常个性化和富有表现力的创作风格成为了能够表达真实生动含义的唯一形
式。无论作为口语还是书面语的英语，随意言谈胜过雅致的言辞，自我发挥也压过了精心准
备。
麦荷特显示先生从上层和下层文化中列举了一系列有趣的例子，从而说明他记录的这种趋势
是 确凿无误的。但就书中副标题中的疑问：为什么我们应该、喜欢或在意，答案却不够明确。
作为语言学家 ，麦荷特认为各种各样的人类语言，包括像黑人语言这样的非标准语言，都具
有强大的表达力――世上没有传达不了复杂思想的语言或方言。不像其他大多数人，麦荷特
先生并不认为我们说话方式不再规范就会使我们不能够准确的思考。
俄罗斯人深爱自己的语言，并在脑海中存储了大量诗歌；而意大利的政客们往往精心准
备演讲，即使这在大多数讲英语的人们眼里已经过时。麦荷特先生认为正式语言并非不可或
缺，也没有提出要进行彻底的教育改革――他其实只是为那些美好事务而不是实用品的消逝
而哀叹。我们现在用“纸盘子”而非“瓷盘子”装着我们的英语大餐。真是惭愧啊，但很可能已
无法避免。

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2004 Text 1
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Hunting for a job late last year, lawyer Gant Redmon stumbled across CareerBuilder, a
job database on the Internet. He searched it with no success but was attracted by the
site's
such as location, title, and salary, then E-mails them when a matching position is posted in
the database. Redmon chose the keywords legal, intellectual property, and Washington,
D.C. Three weeks later, he got his first notification of an opening.
Redmon, who E-mailed his resume to the employer and won a position as in-house
counsel for a company.
With thousands of career-related sites on the Internet, finding promising openings can be
time-consuming and inefficient. Search agents reduce the need for repeated visits to the
databases. But although a search agent worked for Redmon, career experts see
drawbacks. Narrowing your criteria, for example, may work against you:
answer a question you eliminate a possibility.
For any job search, you should start with a narrow concept — what you think you want to
do — then broaden it.
career counseling implicit in all of this.
kind of tip service to keep abreast of jobs in a particular database; when you get E-mail,
consider it a reminder to check the database again.
everything that is added to a database that might interest me,
job-searching guide.
Some sites design their agents to tempt job hunters to return. When CareerSite's agent
sends out messages to those who have signed up for its service, for example, it includes
only three potential jobs — those it considers the best matches. There may be more
matches in the database; job hunters will have to visit the site again to find them — and
they do.
says Seth Peets, vice president of marketing for CareerSite.
Even those who aren't hunting for jobs may find search agents worthwhile. Some use
them to keep a close watch on the demand for their line of work or gather information on
compensation to arm themselves when negotiating for a raise. Although happily employed,
Redmon maintains his agent at CareerBuilder.
says. Working with a personal search agent means having another set of eyes looking out
for you.
去年年末，甘特·雷德曼律师在找工作时偶然在网上发现职业资料库“职业建筑师”。他找来找
去并没有找到什么工作，但被这个网址上的“个人搜索代理”所吸引。它的特点是互动，允许
访问者自定求职要求诸如工作地点、职位和薪水，当资料库里出现与个人要求相匹配的工作
岗位时它就会通过电子邮件通知求职者。雷德曼选择关键词“法律”、“知识产权”和“华盛顿特
区”。过了三个星期，雷德曼接到第一份有职位空缺的通知。他说：“我掘到了金子。”他把个
人简历用电子邮件寄给了雇主，接着就得到了一份驻公司顾问的职务。
因特网上与求职相关的网址数以千计，寻找可能的职业空缺费时效率又低。有了搜索代理，
就 没那么多必要反复访问资料库了。不过，虽然有一个搜索代理成功地为雷德曼找到了工作，
就业专家却还 是认为搜索代理并不如人意。比如缩小你的要求条件就有可能对你不利。一位

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专家说：“你每回答一次问题你就丧失一次机会。”

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寻找任何职业，你都要从一个狭窄 的概念开始，即你想干什么工作，然后再加以扩展。有一
位专家说：“任何这些程序中都没有那种扩展功能。”“所有这一切都不包含职业咨询。”相反，
最佳的策略是把代理当作一种提示服务来及时跟踪某一资料库里的工作岗位信息。当你收到
电子邮件时，你就把它当作一种提醒再去查一查资料库。一位职业搜索指南的作者说：“我
不会依赖代理在数据库增加的每一项内容里去逐一寻找可能令我感兴趣的东西。”
一些网络谋划让代理诱惑寻职者成为回头客。比如，当求职网代理向注册服务的用户发送信
息时，它只提供三个它认为最可能匹配的岗位。可能，在资料库里还有更多的匹配项；求职
者于是只好再次访问这个网址来寻找一求职者的确会一而再、再而三地来上网寻找。求职网
销售副总裁塞思·皮茨说：“我们发送这些信息的当天访问量就急剧增长。”
即使非求职的人士也会发现搜索代理值得一览。有些人利用搜索代理密切观察对于本行
业的需求或搜集有关加薪的信息以备增薪谈判时胸有成竹。雷德曼虽然已愉快就职，但他与
“职业建筑师”网代理的联系依旧保持着。他说：“你要永远睁大眼睛。”使用个人搜索代理等
于多一双眼睛替你在观察。
2004 Text 2
Over the past century, all kinds of unfairness and discrimination have been condemned or
made illegal. But one insidious form continues to thrive: alphabetism. This, for those as
yet unaware of such a disadvantage, refers to discrimination against those whose
surnames begin with a letter in the lower half of the alphabet.
It has long been known that a taxi firm called AAAA cars has a big advantage over Zodiac
cars when customers thumb through their phone directories. Less well known is the
advantage that Adam Abbott has in life over Zo? Zysman. English names are fairly evenly
spread between the halves of the alphabet. Yet a suspiciously large number of top people
have surnames beginning with letters between A and K.
Thus the American president and vice-president have surnames starting with B and C
respectively; and 26 of George Bush's predecessors (including his father) had surnames
in the first half of the alphabet against just 16 in the second half. Even more striking, six of
the seven heads of government of the G7 rich countries are alphabetically advantaged
(Berlusconi, Blair, Bush, Chirac, Chrétien and Koizumi). The world's three top central
bankers (Greenspan, Duisenberg and Hayami) are all close to the top of the alphabet,
even if one of them really uses Japanese characters. As are the world's five richest men
(Gates, Buffett, Allen, Ellison and Albrecht).
Can this merely be coincidence? One theory, dreamt up in all the spare time enjoyed by
the alphabetically disadvantaged, is that the rot sets in early. At the start of the first year in
infant school, teachers seat pupils alphabetically from the front, to make it easier to
remember their names. So short-sighted Zysman junior gets stuck in the back row, and is
rarely asked the improving questions posed by those insensitive teachers. At the time the
alphabetically disadvantaged may think they have had a lucky escape. Yet the result may
be worse qualifications, because they get less individual attention, as well as less
confidence in speaking publicly.
The humiliation continues. At university graduation ceremonies, the ABCs proudly get
their awards first; by the time they reach the Zysmans most people are literally having a
ZZZ. Shortlists for job interviews, election ballot papers, lists of conference speakers and
attendees: all tend to be drawn up alphabetically, and their recipients lose interest as they

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plough through them.

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在过去的一个世纪里各种各样的不公和歧视遭到了谴责或定为非法。 但是有一种隐蔽的形式
还在蔓延：按字母表顺序排名。对于尚未意识到其危害的人来说，它指的是对那些姓氏起始
字母位于字母表后半部的人的歧视。
人们早已知道在客户翻阅电话簿时，名叫AAAA的出租汽车公司要比Zodiac出租汽车公司有
很大的优越性。至于在生活方面Adam Abbott较之Zo? Zysman的优越性就不那么为人所知
了。英语的姓名虽然在字母表的前后两半部分的分布相当平均，但顶级人物的姓名的首字母
在A与K之间的却多得可疑。
如此这般，美国的总统和副总统的姓氏分别是以B和C字母起头。乔治·布什的前任有二十六
位（包括其父）的姓氏均在字母表的前半部，而姓氏在字母表后半部的却仅有十六位。更加
令人瞩目的是七大富裕强国政府的首脑中有六位在其姓氏按字母表顺序排名时靠前
（ Berlusconi， Blair， Bush， Chirac， Chrétien， Koizumi）。世界三大中央银行行长
（Greenspan，Duisenberg，Haya mi）全都接近字母表的上端，三人之中有一人即使用日
文也是如此。世界上最富有的前五位情况也是 如此（Gates，Buffett，Allen，Ellison，Albrecht）。
这仅仅是巧 合吗？按字母表顺序排名靠后的人在享受闲暇时光时凭空想出一种理论，认为这
种倒霉事老早就开始了。在幼儿学校第一年之始，老师为了较为容易记住学生的名字，就按
字母表顺序由前往后给学生排座位。因此近视的小Zysman就被插在了后排，这样一来，粗
心的教师提出的有助于提高的问题就很少会问到他。这时，按字母表顺序排名靠后的学生还
认为他们能逃避老师的问题很幸运。然而，结果可能就是成绩欠佳，因为这种学生得到的个
人关注较少，同时当众讲话时的信心也不足。
这种委屈继续着。在大学的毕业典礼上，姓名首字母是ABC的学生骄傲的首先领到奖
品；等轮到Zysmans们领奖品的时候，大多数人简直都在鼾声大作了。求职面试、选举投
票、会议发言或参加会议等诸多名单，也是按字母表顺序排序，当人们费劲地向下查看时，
兴趣随之索然。
2004 Text 3
When it comes to the slowing economy, Ellen Spero isn't biting her nails just yet. But the
47-year-old manicurist isn't cutting, filling or polishing as many nails as she'd like to, either.
Most of her clients spend $$12 to $$50 weekly, but last month two longtime customers
suddenly stopped showing up. Spero blames the softening economy.
economic indicator,
they're concerned about saving some dollars.
middle-brow Dillard's department store near her suburban Cleveland home, instead of
Neiman Marcus.

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Even before Alan Greenspan's admission that America's red-hot economy is cooling, lots
of working folks had already seen signs of the slowdown themselves. From car
dealerships to Gap outlets, sales have been lagging for months as shoppers temper their
spending. For retailers, who last year took in 24 percent of their revenue between
Thanksgiving and Christmas, the cautious approach is coming at a crucial time. Already,
experts say, holiday sales are off 7 percent from last year's pace. But don't sound any
alarms just yet. Consumers seem only concerned, not panicked, and many say they
remain optimistic about the economy's long- term prospects even as they do some modest
belt-tightening.
Consumers say they're not in despair because, despite the dreadful headlines, their own
fortunes still feel pretty good. Home prices are holding steady in most regions. In
Manhattan,
predominantly fed by Wall Street bonuses,
Francisco, prices are still rising even as frenzied overbidding quiets.
offers, now maybe you only get two or three,
broker. And most folks still feel pretty comfortable about their ability to find and keep a job.
Many folks see silver linings to this slowdown. Potential home buyers would cheer for
lower interest rates. Employers wouldn't mind a little fewer bubbles in the job market.
Many consumers seem to have been influenced by stock- market swings, which investors
now view as a necessary ingredient to a sustained boom. Diners might see an upside, too.
Getting a table at Manhattan's hot new Alain Ducasse restaurant need to be impossible.
Not anymore. For that, Greenspan & Co. may still be worth toasting.
经济发展速度开始减慢时，艾琳·斯派罗还不至于咬手指。但是，这位四十七岁的指甲修饰
师修剪、锉磨、上油的指甲数量却难遂其愿了。她的大多数顾客每周花费十二至五十美元，
可上周两位长期客户突然不来了。斯派罗抱怨起疲软的经济。她说：“我是个准确的经济晴
雨表。我提供的服务在当人们想攒钱时就变成可有可无。”因此斯派罗相应地节约起开支，
买东西就在克利夫兰郊区的她家附近的中档迪拉德百货公司，而不再去内曼·玛科斯。她说
“我不知道其他顾客会不会也不再光顾我。”
即使在格林斯潘还未承认美国过热的经济正在冷却的时候，许许多多的劳动者已经看出经济
渐缓的迹象。由于购物者节约他们的支出，从汽车代理商到Gap名牌零售折扣店，数月以来
销售一直滞缓。去年在感恩节和圣诞节之间零售商的销售收入是全年的百分之二十四。对于
他们来讲，在关键时期该谨慎行事了。专家言之有据，较之去年假日销售速度已经减缓了百
分之七。不过，目前还不必敲什么警钟。消费者看起来略显忧虑，并没有惊慌失措。许多人
虽然稍微勒紧腰带，但他们说对于经济的长期前景还是乐观的。
新闻标题虽然够吓人的，消费者依旧对自己的财产状况感觉相当良好，因此他们说他们并不
悲观绝望。在大多数地区房屋价格保持稳定。经纪人巴巴拉·考克兰说，在曼哈顿“出现了四
百万至一千万美元之间的淘金热，资金来源以华尔街股票红利为主。”在旧金山，高价抢购
现象虽然销声匿迹了，可价格依旧看涨。海湾地区房地产经纪人约翰·梯尔迪说：“已经卖出
20到30套，剩下的可能只有两三套了。”而大多数人对能够找到并保有一件工作依旧觉得很
随心。
许多人对于经济减速抱有乐观的希望。潜在的房产购买者会对利率下调欢天喜地。雇主
们对就业市场少了些泡沫也并不在意。许多消费者似乎一直受股票市场波动的影响，投资者
把这种波动视为持续繁荣的必要因素。就餐者可能也看到了有利的方面。在曼哈顿新开的火

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爆的阿兰·杜卡斯饭店吃上一桌曾经是不可能的，现在不了。这真值得格林斯潘和他的同事

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们庆祝。
2004 Text 4
Americans today don't place a very high value on intellect. Our heroes are athletes,
entertainers, and entrepreneurs, not scholars. Even our schools are where we send our
children to get a practical education — not to pursue knowledge for the sake of knowledge.
Symptoms of pervasive anti-intellectualism in our schools aren't difficult to find.

intellectual,
Razitch's latest book, Left Back: A Century of Failed School Reforms, traces the roots of
anti-intellectualism in our schools, concluding they are anything but a counterbalance to
the American distaste for intellectual pursuits.
But they could and should be. Encouraging kids to reject the life of the mind leaves them
vulnerable to exploitation and control. Without the ability to think critically, to defend their
ideas and understand the ideas of others, they cannot fully participate in our democracy.
Continuing along this path, says writer Earl Shorris,
country. We will have a less civil society.

Richard Hofstadter in Anti-Intellectualism in American life, a Pulitzer Prize winning book
on the roots of anti-intellectualism in US politics, religion, and education. From the
beginning of our history, says Hofstadter, our democratic and populist urges have driven
us to reject anything that smells of elitism. Practicality, common sense, and native
intelligence have been considered more noble qualities than anything you could learn
from a book.
Ralph Waldo Emerson and other Transcendentalist philosophers thought schooling and
rigorous book learning put unnatural restraints on children:
college recitation rooms for 10 or 15 years and come out at last with a bellyful of words
and do not know a thing.
anti-intellectualism. Its hero avoids being civilized — going to school and learning to read
— so he can preserve his innate goodness.
Intellect, according to Hofstadter, is different from native intelligence, a quality we
reluctantly admire. Intellect is the critical, creative, and contemplative side of the mind.
Intelligence seeks to grasp, manipulate, re-order, and adjust,

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while intellect examines, ponders, wonders, theorizes, criticizes and imagines.
School remains a place where intellect is mistrusted. Hofstadter says our country's
educational system is in the grips of people who
hostility to intellect and their eagerness to identify with children who show the least
intellectual promise.
今天的美国人不很看重才学。我们的英雄不是学 者而是运动员、演艺圈名星和企业家。即使
是我们的学校也只是我们送孩子去接受实用教育的地方，而不是让他们为了知识而去追求学
问。学校里不难发现反智主义的普遍表现。
教育学作家戴安·莱维西说：“学校始终处于实用重于才学的社会之中。”“学校本来可能是一
种抵消的力量。”莱维西最新著作《落后：一个世纪的失败学校改革》探索学校里反智主义
倾向的根源，书中的结论是：美国学校绝没有抵制美国人对才学追求的厌恶。
但学校是能够并应该做到这一点的。鼓励孩子们排斥精神生活使得他们极易被利用和控制。
如果不能批判地思考、不能捍卫自己的思想、不能理解他人的思想，他们就不能充分地参与
我们的民主。作家厄尔·绍利斯说，沿着这条路线发展下去，“我们将变为二流国家。我们的
社会将不再那么文明。”
历史学家兼教授理查德·霍夫斯塔特在《美国生活中的反智主义》中写道：“才学被看作一种
权利或特权而遭厌恶。”该书探讨美国政治、宗教和教育中的反智主义的根源，曾获普利策
奖。霍夫斯塔特说：自我们的历史之初，我们对民主化和大众化的渴望就驱使我们排斥任何
带有精英优越论味道的东西。实用性、常识以及与生俱有的智力这些素质一直被视作比可以
从书本里学得的任何东西都高贵。
拉尔夫·瓦尔多·爱默生和其他一些先验主义哲学家认为学校教育和严格的书本学习限制了
孩子们的天性。“我们被关在中小学和大学的朗诵室里十年或十五年，最后出来满肚子墨水，
却啥都不懂。”马克·吐温的小说《哈克贝利·芬》即是美国反智主义的例证。该书的主人公逃
避教化——不上学和不学习读书写字——因此他才得以保住善良的天性。
按照霍夫斯塔特的观点，才学不同于天生的智力，它是一种我们不太情愿去赞赏的品质。才
学是精神世界中的批评、创造和沉思的一面。智力寻求的是理解、运用、整合和调节，而才
学是审视、思考、探究、形成理论、批判和想象。
学校仍然是才学备受怀疑的地方。霍夫斯塔特说，掌握我们国家教育体系的人“沾沾自
喜地、霸气十足地公然宣称敌视才学，迫不及待地认同那些看来在才学方面最难造就的孩
子。”

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2003 Text 1
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Wild Bill Donovan would have loved the Internet. The American spymaster who built the
Office of Strategic Services in the World War and later laid the roots for the CIA was
fascinated with information. Donovan believed in Ⅱusing whatever tools came to hand in
the — spying as a
already re-made such everyday pastimes as buying books and sending mail, is reshaping
Donovan's vocation as well.
The latest revolution isn't simply a matter of gentlemen reading other gentlemen's e-mail.
That kind of electronic spying has been going on for decades. In the past three or four
years, the World Wide Web has given birth to a whole industry of point-and-click spying.
The spooks call it
increasingly influential. In 1995 the CIA held a contest to see who could compile the most
data about Burundi. The winner, by a large margin, was a tiny Virginia company called
Open Source Solutions, whose clear advantage was its mastery of the electronic world.
Among the firms making the biggest splash in this new world is Straitford, Inc., a private
intelligence-analysis firm based in Austin, Texas. Straitford makes money by selling the
results of spying (covering nations from Chile to Russia) to corporations like
energy- services firm McDermott International. Many of its predictions are available online
at .
Straiford president George Friedman says he sees the online world as a kind of mutually
reinforcing tool for both information collection and distribution, a spymaster's dream. Last
week his firm was busy vacuuming up data bits from the far corners of the world and
predicting a crisis in Ukraine.
Internet sign-ups from Ukraine,
we'll hear back from some of them.
since it can be difficult to tell good information from bad. That's where Straitford earns its
keep.
Friedman relies on a lean staff of 20 in Austin. Several of his staff members have
military-intelligence backgrounds. He sees the firm's outsider status as the key to its
success. Straitford's briefs don't sound like the usual Washington back-and- forthing,
whereby agencies avoid dramatic declarations on the chance they might be wrong.
Straitford, says Friedman, takes pride in its independent voice.
比尔·多诺汶肯定会喜欢网络。这位美国间谍大王对情报着迷，他曾经在第二次世界大战时
建立了战略事务办公室，后来又为中央情报局的成立打下了基础。多诺汶相信，在谍报职业
这个“大游戏”中可以使用任何手段。如今，互联网已经改变了买书和寄信这样的日常活动，
也正在改变多诺汶曾经从事的这个职业。
最近的这次革命性的改变不仅仅是一个人偷看别人的电子邮件的问题，这样的电子间谍活动
已经存在了数十年。在过去的三四年中，国际互联网已经派生出一个可称为点击谍报的完整
的产业。间谍们把它称为“公开来源情报”。随着互联网的增长，这样的情报变得越来越有影
响力。1995年中央情报局举办了一个竞赛，看谁能够收集到关于“布隆迪”的最多信息。胜者
胜出了一大截，却是弗吉尼亚的一家小公司，名为“公开来源解决方案”，它的明显优势是它
对电子世界的把握。

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在这个新的电子世界中最引起轰动的是一个叫司特雷福的公司，它是得克萨斯州奥斯汀市的

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一个私营的情报分析公司。该公司的业务是将覆盖全球各个国家的情报销售给“麦克德莫国
际”这样的能源公司。它的许多预测在网上都可以
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查阅，网址。
该公司的总裁乔治·弗莱德曼说，他把网络世界视为情报收集和情报发布两方面相互增强的
工具，是间谍们的梦想。上周，他的公司正在从远在世界的另一角落收集零散的信息，并预
测在乌克兰将发生一场危机。“一旦这个报道发布，我们将从乌克兰突然新增500个浏览用
户，”弗莱德曼，一位前政治科学教授说，“我们将听到其中一些人的回应。”当然公开来源的
谍报活动的确有它的风险，因为很难区分正确与错误的信息。这正是司特雷福公司挣饭吃的
地方。
弗莱德曼只在奥斯汀市雇用了为数不多的雇员。其中的一些有军事情报工作背景。他把
公司的“局外人”地位视为它成功的关键。司特雷福公司的简报听上去不像华盛顿当局常常提
供的躲闪的言辞，政府机构往往避免发布引人注目的言论，因为这些言论可能出错。弗莱德
曼说，司特雷福公司为其独立的声音而感到自豪。
2003 Text 2
To paraphrase 18th-century statesman Edmund Burke,
of a misguided cause is that good people do nothing.
biomedical research because of the theory that animals have rights ruling out their use in
research. Scientists need to respond forcefully to animal rights advocates, whose
arguments are confusing the public and thereby threatening advances in health
knowledge and care. Leaders of the animal rights movement target biomedical research
because it depends on public funding, and few people understand the process of health
care research. Hearing allegations of cruelty to animals in research settings, many are
perplexed that anyone would deliberately harm an animal.
For example, a grandmotherly woman staffing an animal rights booth at a recent street fair
was distributing a brochure that encouraged readers not to use anything that comes from
or is tested in animals — no meat, no fur, no medicines. Asked if she opposed
immunizations, she wanted to know if vaccines come from animal research. When
assured that they do, she replied,
when epidemics return, she said,
computers.
Scientists must communicate their message to the public in a compassionate,
understandable way — in human terms, not in the language of molecular biology. We
need to make clear the connection between animal research and a grandmother's hip
replacement, a father's bypass operation, a baby's vaccinations, and even a pet's shots.
To those who are unaware that animal research was needed to produce these treatments,
as well as new treatments and vaccines, animal research seems wasteful at best and
cruel at worst.
Much can be done. Scientists could
research. They should be quick to respond to letters to the editor, lest animal rights
misinformation go unchallenged and acquire a deceptive appearance of truth. Research
institutions could be opened to tours, to show that laboratory animals receive humane
care. Finally, because the ultimate stakeholders are patients, the health research
community should actively recruit to its cause not only well-known personalities such as
Stephen Cooper, who has made courageous statements about the value of animal
research, but all who receive medical treatment. If good people do nothing there is a real

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possibility that an uninformed citizenry will extinguish the precious embers of medical

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progress.
18世纪政治家埃德蒙·柏克曾说过类似这样的话，“一个被误导的事业如果要成功，它惟一需
要的是好人无所作为”。一个这样的事业现在正在寻求终止生物医学的研究，因为有这样一
种理论说，动物享有权利禁止它们被用于实验。科学家应该对动物权利鼓吹者做出强有力的
回应，因为他们的言论混淆了公众的视听，从而威胁到卫生知识和卫生服务的进步。动物权
利运动的领导者将矛头指向生物医学研究，原因在于它依赖公共资金的资助，并且很少有人
懂得医学研究的过程。当人们听到医学实验虐待动物的指控时，许多人都不明白为什么有人
会故意伤害动物。
例如，在近期的一次集市上，一位老奶奶站在动物权利宣传点前散发小册子，规劝人们不要
使用动物制品和动物实验制品——肉类，毛皮，药物。当被问到她是否反对免疫接种时，她
问疫苗是否来自动物实验。当被告知的确如此，她回答道，“那么我不得不说，是的，我反
对接种”。当被问到瘟疫爆发怎么办时，她说，“不用担心，科学家会找到一种方法，用计算
机来解决问题”。看，这样好心的人们就是不明白。
科学家必须把他们的意思传达给公众，并且要使用有同情心和通俗易懂的语言，一般人能够
明白的语言，而不要使用分子生物学的语言。我们需要说明动物实验与祖母的髋骨更换、父
亲的心脏搭桥、婴儿的免疫接种、甚至宠物的注射针剂都密切相关。许多人不明白获得这些
新的治疗方法和疫苗都必须进行动物实验。对于他们来说，动物实验说得好是浪费，说得不
好是残忍。
有很多事情可以做。科学家可以进入中学课堂，展示他们的实验结果。他们应该对报刊
的读者来信及时做出反应，以防止动物权利的误导言论在毫无质疑的情况下横行，从而获得
一副真理的面容。科研机构应该对外开放，让人参观，向人们展示实验室里的动物获得了人
道的对待。最后，因为最终决定因素是病人，医疗研究机构不仅应该积极争取斯蒂芬·库柏
这样的名人的支持——他对动物实验的价值勇敢地进行了肯定——而且应该争取所有接受
治疗的病人的支持。如果好人无所作为，一群不明真相的公众真的有可能扑灭医学进步的宝
贵火种。
2003 Text 3
In recent years, railroads have been combining with each other, merging into super
systems, causing heightened concerns about monopoly. As recently as 1995, the top four
railroads accounted for under 70 percent of the total ton-miles moved by rails. Next year,
after a series of mergers is completed, just four railroads will control well over 90 percent
of all the freight moved by major rail carriers.
Supporters of the new super systems argue that these mergers will allow for substantial
cost reductions and better coordinated service. Any threat of monopoly, they argue, is
removed by fierce competition from trucks. But

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many shippers complain that for heavy bulk commodities traveling long distances, such as
coal, chemicals, and grain, trucking is too costly and the railroads therefore have them by
the throat.
The vast consolidation within the rail industry means that most shippers are served by
only one rail company. Railroads typically charge such
more than they do when another railroad is competing for the business. Shippers who feel
they are being overcharged have the right to appeal to the federal government's Surface
Transportation Board for rate relief, but the process is expensive, time consuming, and will
work only in truly extreme cases.
Railroads justify rate discrimination against captive shippers on the grounds that in the
long run it reduces everyone's cost. If railroads charged all customers the same average
rate, they argue, shippers who have the option of switching to trucks or other forms of
transportation would do so, leaving remaining customers to shoulder the cost of keeping
up the line. It's theory to which many economists subscribe, but in practice it often leaves
railroads in the position of determining which companies will flourish and which will fail.

marketplace?
shipper.
Many captive shippers also worry they will soon be hit with a round of huge rate increases.
The railroad industry as a whole, despite its brightening fortunes, still does not earn
enough to cover the cost of the capital it must invest to keep up with its surging traffic. Yet
railroads continue to borrow billions to acquire one another, with Wall Street cheering
them on. Consider the $$10.2 billion bid by Norfolk Southern and CSX to acquire Conrail
this year. Conrail's net railway operating income in 1996 was just $$427 million, less than
half of the carrying costs of the transaction. Who's going to pay for the rest of the bill?
Many captive shippers fear that they will, as Norfolk Southern and CSX increase their grip
on the market.
近年来，铁路公司相互联合，组成了超大型集团，引起人们对垄断行为的极大关注。近至
1995年，四家大型铁路公司占有整个铁路运输业务的约70％。到明年，一系列兼并活动完
成之后，四家铁路公司将控制90％以上的铁路运输业务。
支持组建超大型铁路集团的人认为，兼并将带来成本的大幅降低，服务项目的更好协调。他
们认为，在公路运输的激烈竞争面前，垄断的威胁已经不复存在。但许多客户却抱怨说，对
于依赖长途运输的大宗商品来说，如煤炭、化学制品和粮食，由于公路运输花费太大，这样
铁路公司就会“掐他们的脖子”。
铁路运输业内的大规模联合意味着多数客户将会依赖一家公司的服务。通常，铁路公司对这
些“被控”客户的收费要比有另一铁路公司竞争业务时多20％～30％。如果客户感到他们被多
收费，他们有权上诉到联邦政府的“陆路运输局”以争取价格下调。但这个过程耗财、耗时，
并且只有在真正极端特殊的情况下才有作用。
铁路公司对“被控”客户进行区别对待的依据是，从长远来看，这样做会降低所有人的成本。
他们认为，如果铁路公司向所有客户收取同样的普通价格的话，那么，可以使用公路运输或
其他交通工具的客户将会转移，使剩下的客户来承担铁路正常运作的开销。这种理论得到了
多 数经济学家的认同，但在实际操作中，它使铁路公司获得了一个决定谁败谁荣的权利。“我
们是否真的想 让铁路公司成为在市场上决定谁败谁荣的裁决者呢？”马丁·贝科维奇问道。他