duality经典英文背诵50篇(附汉语翻译)

2021年1月24日发(作者：chiller)
经典英文课文背诵５０篇（带翻译）


>01 The Language of Music
A painter hangs his or her finished picture on a wall, and everyone can see

it. A composer writes a work, but no



one can hear it until it is performed.

Professional singers and players have great responsibilities, for the




composer is utterly dependent on them. A student of music needs as long and

as arduous a training to become a



performer as a medical student needs to

become a doctor. Most training is concerned with technique, for

musicians



have to have the muscular proficiency of an athlete or a ballet

dancer. Singers practice breathing every day, as



their vocal chords would

be inadequate without controlled muscular support. String players practice

moving the



fingers of the left hand up and down, while drawing the bow to

and fro with the right arm -- two entirely different movements.
Singers and instrumentalists have to be able to get every note perfectly in

tune. Pianists are spared this



particular anxiety, for the notes are

already there, waiting for them, and it is the piano tuner's responsibility




to tune the instrument for them. But they have their own difficulties: the

hammers that hit the strings have to be


coaxed not to sound

like percussion, and each overlapping tone has to sound clear.
This problem of getting clear texture is one that confronts student

conductors: they have to learn to know every



note of the music and how it

should sound, and they have to aim at controlling these sounds with

fanatical but



selfless authority.
Technique is of no use unless it is combined with musical knowledge

and understanding. Great artists are those who



are so thoroughly at home in

the language of music that they can enjoy performing works written in any

century.
01
音乐的语言

画家将已完成的作品挂在墙上，每个人都可以观赏到。作曲家写完了一部作品，
得由

演奏者将其演奏出来，
其他人才能得以欣赏。
因为作曲家是如此完全地依赖于职
业歌手和职业演奏者，所以职业歌手和职业演奏者肩上的担子可谓不轻。

一名学音乐的学生 要想成为一名演奏者，
需要经受长期的、
严格的训练，
就象一
名医科的学生要 成为一名医生一样。绝大多数的训练是技巧性的。

音乐家们控制肌肉的熟练程度，
必 须达到与运动员或巴蕾舞演员相当的水平。
歌
手们每天都练习吊嗓子，因为如果不能有效地控制 肌肉的话，他们的声

带将不能满足演唱的要求。
弦乐器的演奏者练习的则是在左手的 手指上下滑动的
同时，用

右手前后拉动琴弓
--
两个截然不同的动 作。歌手和乐器演奏者必须使所有的音符
完全相同协调。
钢琴家们则不用操这份心，
因 为每个音符都已在那里等待着他们
了。

给钢琴调音是调音师的职责。
但调音 师们也有他们的难处：
他们必须耐心地调理
敲击琴弦的音锤，不能让

音锤发 出的声音象是打击乐器，
而且每个交叠的音都必须要清晰。
如何得到乐章
清晰的纹理< br>
是学生指挥们所面临的难题：
他们必须学会了解音乐中的每一个音及其发音之道。他们还

必须致力于以热忱而又客观的权威去控制这些音符。
除非是和音乐方面的 知识和
悟性结合起来，单纯的技巧没有任何用处。

艺术家之所以伟大在于他们对音乐 语言驾轻就熟，
以致于可以满怀喜悦地演出写
于任何时代的作品。

>02 Schooling and Education
It is commonly believed in the United States that school is where people

go to get an education. Nevertheless, it has been said that today

children interrupt their education to go to school. The distinction

between schooling and



education implied by this remark is important.

Education is much more open-ended and all-inclusive than schooling.

Education knows no bounds. It can take place



anywhere, whether in the

shower or in the job, whether in a kitchen or on a tractor. It includes

both the formal



learning that takes place in schools and the whole

universe of informal learning. The agents of education can range from a

revered grandparent to the

people debating politics on the radio, from a child to a distinguished

scientist.
Whereas schooling has a certain predictability, education quite often

produces surprises. A chance conversation



with a stranger may lead a person

to discover how little is known of other religions. People are engaged in




education from infancy on. Education, then, is a very broad, inclusive

term. It is a lifelong process, a process



that starts long before the start

of school, and one that should be an integral part of one's entire life.
Schooling, on the other hand, is a specific, formalized process, whose

general pattern varies little


from


one



setting to the next.

Throughout a country, children arrive at school at approximately

the same time, take assigned



seats, are taught by an adult, use similar

textbooks, do homework, take exams, and so on. The slices of reality



that

are to be learned, whether they are the alphabet or an understanding of the

workings of government, have



usually been limited by the boundaries of the

subject being taught. For example, high school students know that



they are

not likely to find out in their classes the truth about political problems

in their communities or what



the newest filmmakers are experimenting with.

There are definite conditions surrounding the formalized process of




schooling.
上学与受教育

在美国，
人们通常认为上学是为了受教育。
而现在却 有人认为孩子们上学打断了
他们受教育的过程。这种观念中的上学与受教育之间的区别非常重要。

与上学相比，教育更具开放性，内容更广泛。教育不受任何限制。它可以在任何
场合下进行 ，在淋浴时，在工作时，在厨房里或拖拉机上。

它既包括在学校所受的正规教育，
也 包括一切非正规教育。
传授知识的人可以是
德高望重的老者，可以是收音机里进行政治辩论的人 们，可以是小孩子，

也可以是知名的科学家。
上学读书多少有点可预见性，
而教育往往能带来意外的
发现。
与陌生人的一次随意谈话可能会使人认识到自己对其它宗教其实 所知甚少。

人们从幼时起就开始受教育。
因此，
教育是一个内涵很丰富的词 ，
它自始至终伴
随人的一生，早在人们上学之前就开始了。

教育应成为人生 命中不可缺少的一部分。
然而，
上学却是一个特定的形式化了的
过程。在不同场合下， 它的基本形式大同小异。在全国各地，孩子们几乎在同一

时刻到达学校，
坐在指定的 座位上，
由一位成年人传授知识，
使用大致相同的教
材，做作业，考试等等。

他们所学的现实生活中的一些片断，
如字母表或政府的运作，
往往受到科目范围
的限制。

例如，
高中生们知道，
在课堂上他们没法弄清楚他们社区里政治 问题的真情，
也
不会了解到最新潮的电影制片人在做哪些尝试。

学校教育这一形式化的过程是有特定的限制的。

>03 The Definition of
Prices determine how resources are to be used. They are also the means by

which products and services that are in



limited supply are rationed among

buyers. The price system of the United States is a complex network composed

of



the prices of all the products bought and sold in the economy as

well as those of a myriad of services, including


labor,

professional, transportation, and public-utility services. The

interrelationships of all these prices make



up the


linked to a broad, complicated system of prices in which everything seems

to depend more or less upon everything else.



If one were to ask a group

of randomly selected individuals to define

price is an



amount of money paid by the buyer to the seller of a product or

service or,



in other words, that price is the



money value of a

product or service as agreed upon in a market transaction. This

definition is, of course, valid as far as it goes. For a complete

understanding of a price in any particular transaction, much more than

the amount



of money involved must be known. Both the buyer and the seller

should be familiar with not only the money amount,



but with the amount and

quality of the product or service to be exchanged, the time and place at

which the exchange will take place and payment will be made, the form of

money to be used, the credit terms and discounts that apply



to the

transaction, guarantees on the product or service, delivery terms, return

privileges, and other factors. In



other words, both buyer and seller should

be fully aware of all the factors that comprise the total



being

exchanged for the asked-for amount of money in order that they may

evaluate a given price.

价格

的定义价格决定资源的使用方式。
价格也是有限 的产品与服务在买方中的
配给手段。

美国的价格系统是复杂的网状系统，
包 括经济生活中一切产品买卖的价格，
也包
括名目繁多的各种服务，诸如劳动力、专职人员、交通 运输、公共事业等服务的
价格。

所有这些价格的内在联系构成了价格系统。
任何一种个别产品或服务的价格都与
这个庞大而复

杂的系统密切相关，
而且 或多或少地受到系统中其它成份的制约。
如果随机挑选
一群人，问

问他们如 何定义

价格

，许多人会回答价格就是根据卖方提供的产品或服务，买
方向其付出的钱数。

换句话说，
价格就是市场交易中大家认同的产品或服务的货币量 。
该定义就其本
身来说自有其道理。

但要获得对价格在任何一桩交易中的完 整认识，就必须考虑到大量

非货币

因
素的影响。
买卖双方不 但要清楚交易中的钱数，
而且要非常熟悉交易物的质量和

数量，交易的时间、地点， 采用哪种形式付款，有怎样的缓付和优惠，对交易物
的质量保证、交货条款、退赔权利等等。

也就是说，为了能估算索价，买卖双方必须通晓构成交易物价格的通盘细节。

>04 Electricity
The modern age is an age of electricity. People are so used to electric

lights, radio, televisions, and telephones



that it is hard to imagine what

life would be like without them. When there is a power failure, people

grope about



in flickering candlelight, cars hesitate in the streets because

there are no traffic lights to guide them, and food spoils in silent

refrigerators.

Yet, people began to understand how electricity works only a little more

than two centuries
ago. Nature has



apparently been experimenting in this field for millions of

years. Scientists are discovering more and more that



the living world may

hold many interesting secrets of electricity that could benefit humanity.
All living cells send out tiny pulses of electricity. As the heart beats,

it sends out pulses of record; they form



an electrocardiogram, which a

doctor can study to determine how well the heart is working. The brain,

too, sends



out brain waves of electricity, which can be recorded in an

electroencephalogram. The electric currents generated



by most living

cells are extremely small -- often so small that sensitive instruments are

needed to record them.



But in some animals, certain muscle cells have

become so specialized as electrical generators that they do not work as

muscle cells at all. When large numbers of these cells are linked

together, the effects can be astonishing.
The electric eel is an amazing storage battery. It can send a jolt of as

much as eight hundred volts of electricity through the water in which it

lives. (An electric house current is only one hundred twenty volts.) As

many as



four-fifths of all the cells in the electric eel's body are

specialized for generating electricity, and the



strength of the shock it

can deliver corresponds roughly to the length of its body.
电当今时代是电气时代。
人们对电灯、
收 音机、
电视和电话早已司空见惯以致很
难想象没有它们生活会变成什么样。

当停电时，
人们在摇曳不定的烛光下暗中摸索；
因没有红绿灯的指示，
汽车在道
路上迟疑不前；冰箱也停止工作，导致食物变质。人们只是在两个世

纪前一点才开始了解电 的使用原理，自然界却显然在这方面经历过了数百万年。
科学家不

断发现许多生物世 界里可能有益于人类的关于电的有趣秘密。
所有生物细胞都会
发出微小的电脉冲。
< br>当心脏跳动时，
把它发出的脉冲记录下来就成了心电图，
这可让医生了解心脏的
工作状况。大脑也发出脑电波，这可在脑电图上记录下来。

许多生物细胞发出的电流都是极微 小的，
小到要用灵敏仪器才能记录和测量。
但
一些动物的某些肌肉细胞能转化成一个个 发电机，
以致完全失去肌肉细胞的功能。

这种细胞大量地连接在一起时产生的效果将 是非常令人吃惊的。
电鳗就是一种令
人惊异的蓄电池。它可以在水中发出相当于

800
伏特电

压电流
(
家庭用户的电压只有

120
伏特
)
。在电鳗的身体里，多至五分之四的细
胞都专门用来 发电，而且发出的电流的强度大约和它身体的长度成正比。

>05 The Beginning of Drama
There are many theories about the beginning of drama in ancient Greece.

The one most widely accepted today is based on the assumption that drama

evolved from ritual. The argument for this view goes as follows. In the

beginning,



human beings viewed the natural forces of the world - even the

seasonal changes - as unpredictable, and they



sought through various means

to control these unknown and feared powers. Those measures


which

appeared to bring


the desired results were then retained and repeated

until they hardened into fixed rituals. Eventually stories



arose which

explained or veiled the mysteries of the rites. As time passed some rituals

were abandoned, but the



stories, later called myths, persisted and provided

material for art and drama.
Those who believe that drama evolved out of ritual also argue that those

rites contained the seed


of theater


because


music, dance, masks,

and costumes were almost always used. Furthermore, a suitable site had

to be provided for performances and when the entire community
did not participate, a clear division was usually made between

the






performers, and, since

considerable importance was attached to avoiding mistakes in the

enactment of rites, religious leaders usually assumed that task. Wearing

masks and costumes, they often impersonated other people, animals, or

supernatural beings, and mimed the desired effect



-- success in hunt or

battle, the coming rain, the revival of the Sun -- as an actor might.

Eventually such



dramatic representations were separated from religious

activities.
Another theory traces the theater's origin from the human interest in

storytelling. According to this view tales



(about the hunt, war, or other

feats) are gradually elaborated, at first through the use of impersonation,

action,



and dialogue by a narrator and then through the assumption of each

of the roles by a different person. A closely



related theory traces theater

to those dances that are primarily rhythmical


and gymnastic or that

are imitations


of animal movements and sounds.
戏剧的起源关于古希腊戏剧的起源存在着多种理论，
其中一个最普遍为人接受 的
理论假设认为戏剧从仪式演化而来。

这个观点是这样进行论证的：
一开始 ，
人类把世界上的自然力量，
甚至季节的变
化都看成是不可预料的。他们试图通过各种 方式去控制这些未知的、

令人恐惧的力量。
那些似乎带来了满意结果的手段就被保留 下来并且重复直到这
些手段固化为不变的仪式，
最后产生了能够解释或者掩盖这些仪式神秘性的 故事。

随着时间的推移，
一些仪式被废弃了，
但这些后来被称作神话的故事 流传下来并
且为艺术和戏剧提供了素材。

认为戏剧从仪式演化而来的人们还认为那些 仪式包含了戏剧的基本因素，
因为音
乐、舞蹈、

面具和服装几乎经常被使用 ，
而且，
必须为演出提供一个合适的地点；
如果不是
整个社区共同参加演出， 经常在

演出区

和

观众席

之间划分出明显的 分界。

另外，
仪式中还有演员，
而且宗教领袖通常承担演出任务，
因为在仪式的执行中
避免错误的发生被认为有相当大的重

要性；
他们经常带 着面具，
穿着服装象演员那样扮演其它人、
动物或超自然的生
灵，用动作
< br>来表演以达到所需要的效果，
比如打猎的成功或战斗的胜利、
将至的雨、
太阳的
复活。最后这些戏剧性的表演从宗教活动中分离了出来。

另一个追溯戏剧起源的理论 认为它来自人们对叙述故事的兴趣。根据这个观点，
故事
(
关于狩猎、战争或者其它伟 绩
)
是逐渐丰富起来的。

首先通过一个讲解人来运用模仿、
表演和 对话，
然后再由不同的人扮演各自的角
色；

另一个与之紧密相关的理论将戏 剧的起源追溯至舞蹈，
这些舞蹈大体上是有节奏
感的和体操式的那一类，或者是对动物动作和声 音的模仿。




>06 Television
Television -- the most pervasive and persuasive of modern technologies,

marked by rapid change and growth -- is



moving into a new era, an era

of extraordinary sophistication and versatility, which promises to reshape

our lives



and our world. It is an electronic revolution of sorts, made

possible by the marriage of television and computer



technologies.
The word

(visio: sight) roots, can literally be



interpreted as sight from a

distance. Very simply put, it works in this way: through a sophisticated

system of


electronics, television provides the capability of

converting an image
(focused on a special photoconductive plate



within a camera) into

electronic impulses, which can be sent through a wire or cable. These

impulses, when fed into a receiver (television set), can then be

electronically reconstituted



into that same image.
Television is more than just an electronic system, however. It is a means

of expression, as well as a vehicle for



communication, and as such becomes

a powerful tool for reaching other human beings.
The field of television can be divided into two categories

determined by its means of transmission. First, there is broadcast

television, which reaches the masses through broad-based airwave

transmission of television signals.


Second, there is nonbroadcast

television, which provides for the needs of individuals or specific

interest groups



through controlled transmission techniques.
Traditionally, television has been a medium of the masses. We are

most familiar with broadcast television because



it has been with us for

about thirty-seven years in a form similar to what exists today. During

those years, it has been controlled, for the most part, by the broadcast

networks, ABC, NBC, and CBS, who have been the major purveyors of news,

information, and entertainment. These giants of broadcasting have actually

shaped not only television but



our perception of it as well. We have

come to look upon the picture tube as a source of entertainment, placing

our



role in this dynamic medium as the passive viewer.
电视电视
--
以快速变化与发展为标志的最普遍、最具有影响力的一 项现代技术，
正在步入一个极端复杂化与多样化的新时代。

这个时代承诺重新塑造我 们的生活和我们的世界。
这可以称得上是又一次电子革
命，其关键在于电视技术与计算机技术的 结合。

电视

这个词

来源于希腊语词根
(tele
：远
)
和拉丁语词根
(vision
：景象
)
，可 以从字面上理解为
来自远处的景象。

简单说来，
电视是以这种方式工作的，
通过一个复杂的电子系统，
电视能够将一
幅

图像
(
这幅图像被聚焦在一部摄像机内的一块特殊的光导底片上
)
转换成能经过
导线或电缆 发送出去的电子脉冲信号。

当这些电子脉冲信号被输入一部接收机
(
电视机
)
时，就可以用电子学的方法把脉
冲信号重新恢复成同一幅图像。但是，电视不仅仅是 一个电子系统，它还

是一种表达工具和传播渠道。
因此，
电视成了一个对其 他人发生影响的强大工具。
电视这个领域可以根据其发射方式分为两类。

第一类为广 播电视，
通过电视信号的宽带无线电波发射展现在大众面前；
第二类
为非广播电视，使 用受控的发射技术来满足个人以及某些特殊

利益群体的需要。
电视早已成为大众媒介 。
我们熟悉广播电视，
因为广播电视已
经以类似目前的方式存在了大约

37
年。

在那些年头中，
电视绝大部分一直由

ABC
、
NBC
、
CBS
这些广播电视公司控制
着，这些广播电视公司一直是新闻、信息和娱乐的主要提供者。这些

广播业的巨头实际上不仅 塑造了电视，
而且也塑造了我们对电视的理解。
我们渐
渐把显像管看作是娱乐的来源， 让自己成为这个生动的媒介的被动观众。

>07 Andrew Carnegie
Andrew Carnegie, known as the King of Steel, built the steel industry in

the United States, and, in the process,



became one of the wealthiest men in

America. His success resulted in part from his ability to sell the product

and



in part from his policy of expanding during periods of economic

decline, when most of his competitors were reducing their investments.
Carnegie believed that individuals should progress through hard

work, but he also felt strongly that the wealthy



should use their

fortunes for the benefit of society. He opposed charity, preferring



instead


to provide


educational


opportunities that would allow



others to


help themselves.




often said.

Among his more noteworthy contributions to society are those that bear his

name, including
the Carnegie Institute



of Pittsburgh, which has a library, a museum of fine

arts, and a museum of national history. He also founded a



school of

technology that is now part of Carnegie-Mellon University. Other

philanthropic



gifts are the Carnegie



Endowment for International Peace

to promote understanding between nations, the Carnegie Institute of

Washington to fund scientific research, and Carnegie Hall to provide a

center for the arts.
Few Americans have been left untouched by Andrew Carnegie's generosity. His

contributions of more than five million dollars established 2,500 libraries

in small communities throughout the country and formed the nucleus of the




public library system that we all enjoy today.
安德鲁
?
卡内基被称作钢铁大王的安德鲁
?
卡内基在美国建立了钢铁工业。
在这个
过程中，他变成了美国最富有的人之一。< br>
他的成功，
部分来自于他销售产品的能力，
部分来自于经济萧条时期的扩充策 略。
在萧条时期，他的多数对手都在缩减投资。卡内基认为个

人应该通过努力工作来 获得进展，
但他也强烈地感到有钱人应该运用他们的财富
来为社会谋取福利。他反对施舍救济， 更愿意提供教育机会，使别人自立。

卡内基经常说：

富有着死去的人死得可 耻。

他对社会的较重要的贡献都以他的
名字命名。这些贡献包括匹兹堡卡内基学校。< br>
这个学校有一个图书馆，
一个美术馆和一个国家历史博物馆；
他还创立了一所 技
术学校，
这所学校现在是卡内基梅隆大学的一部分；
其他的慈善捐赠有为促进国家间了

解的

卡内基国际和平基金

，
为科学研 究提供经费的华盛顿卡内基学院以及给各
种艺术活动

提供活动中心的卡内基音乐厅。 安德鲁
?
卡内基的慷慨大度几乎影响到每个美国
人的生活。由于他超过五百万美元的捐 款，
2500

个图书馆得以建立起来，
遍布在美国各地的小村镇，
形成了我们今天还在享用的
公共图书馆系统的核心。

>08 American Revolution
The American Revolution was not a revolution in the sense of a radical or

total change. It was not a sudden and



violent overturning of the

political and social framework, such as later occurred in France

and Russia, when both


were already independent nations.

Significant changes were ushered in, but they were not

breathtaking. What


happened was accelerated evolution rather than

outright revolution. During the conflict itself people went on







working and

praying, marrying and playing. Most of them were not seriously disturbed by

the actual fighting, and



many of the more isolated communities scarcely

knew that a war was on.



America's War of Independence heralded the birth of

three modern nations. One was Canada, which received its first




large

influx of English-speaking population from the thousands of loyalists who

fled there from the United States.



Another was Australia, which became a

penal colony now that America was no longer available for prisoners and




debtors. The third newcomer -- the United States -- based itself squarely

on republican principles.
Yet even the political overturn was not so revolutionary as one might

suppose. In some states, notably Connecticut


and Rhode Island, the

war largely ratified a colonial self-rule already existing. British

officials, everywhere



ousted, were replaced by a home-grown governing

class, which promptly sought a local substitute for king and



Parliament.
美国革命美国革命其实并不算是一场革命，
因为它并未导致 完全的和彻底的变化。
这

次革命并不是对政治和社会框架的一次突然和猛烈的颠覆，
象后来在已经是独立
国家的法国和俄国所爆发的革命那样。

革命带来了重大 的变化，
但并非翻天覆地，
所发生的只是进化的加速，
而不是一
场彻底的革命 ；在冲突期间，人们仍然上班、做礼拜、结婚、玩耍。多

数人并没有受到实际战斗的严重影响 。
许多较闭塞的社区对这场战争几乎一无所
知。美国独立战争宣布了三个现代国家的诞生，其中 一个是加拿大。

加拿大的第一大批讲英语的流入人口来自于成千上万英王的效忠者，
这些人从美
国逃到了加拿大。另一个国家是澳大利

亚，
因为美国不再是容纳 罪犯和欠债者的国度了，
澳大利亚就变成了一个惩治罪
犯的殖民地

(
注：独立战争前，英国政府将罪犯流放到美国
)
。第三个国家就是美国，它完全
建立 在共

和原则基础上。
即使政治上的颠覆也不如人们可能想象的那样具有革命性。在一
些州，
特别是康涅狄格和罗德岛，
战争基本上只是承认了已经存在的殖民地的 自
治。

四处被驱逐的英国官员都被本土的统治阶级所替代，
这个统治阶级迅 速地以地方
权力机关来替代国王和议会。

>09 Suburbanization
If by

already developed interior, the process



of suburbanization began during the

emergence of the industrial city in the second quarter of the nineteenth




century. Before that period the city was a small highly compact cluster in

which people moved about on foot and



goods were conveyed by horse and cart.

But the early factories built in the 1830's and 1840's were

located along


waterways and near railheads at the edges of cities,

and housing was needed for the thousands of people drawn by the prospect of

employment. In time, the factories were surrounded by proliferating mill

towns of apartments and


row houses that abutted the older, main

cities. As a defense against this encroachment and to enlarge their

tax



bases, the cities appropriated their industrial neighbors. In
1854, for example, the city of Philadelphia annexed



most of

Philadelphia County. Similar municipal maneuvers took place in Chicago

and in New York. Indeed, most great



cities of the United States achieved

such status only by incorporating the communities along their borders.
With the acceleration of industrial growth came acute urban crowding and

accompanying social stress -- conditions



that began to approach disastrous

proportions when, in 1888, the first commercially successful


electric

traction



line was developed. Within


a few years


the horse-drawn

trolleys were retired and electric streetcar networks



crisscrossed and

connected every major urban area, fostering a wave of

suburbanization that transformed the compact industrial city into a

dispersed first phase of mass-scale suburbanization was

reinforced by the simultaneous emergence of the urban Middle

Class, whose desires for homeownership in neighborhoods far from the







aging inner city were satisfied by the developers of single-family housing

tracts.
郊区的发展如果

郊区

指的是比已建好的城 市内部发展更为迅速的城市边缘地
带，那么郊区化可以说始于

1825
年至

1850
年工业化城市出现期间。

在这之前，城 市只是高度密集的小聚居群。在其中，人们步行走动，商品靠马车
来运送。但是建于

18
世纪三四十年

代的早期工厂位于城边的航道和铁路附近，
被 工作机会吸引到这里的成千上万的
人们需要住房。

渐渐地，
在与旧有的主要 城区相毗邻的地方，
不断涌现出由排房和公寓楼组成的
工人

聚居区，
包围了工厂。
作为对这种侵蚀的自卫，
也为了扩大它们收税的地域范围，
城市吞并了 工业化的临近地带，比如

1854

年费城的城区就兼并了费县的绝大部 分地区。
相似的城市化也发生在芝加哥和纽
约。今天很多美国的大城市其实就是靠吞并它们附近 的边缘地区而

变成大都会的。
随着工业化的加速发展，
城市里出现了严重拥 挤和相伴而来的社
会压力。当


1888
年第一条商业上成功的电气化铁轨被制造出来时，压力开始接近危机的程
度。几年之

内，
马车就被废弃了，
电车网相互交织连接着各个重要的城区，
从而形成了一 种
郊区化的潮流，即密集的工业城市转变成了分散的都市。

此时城市中产阶级的出现 进一步加强了第一波大规模郊区化。
这些中产阶级希望
在远离老旧城市的地区拥有住宅，
单一家庭住宅地区的开发者满足了他们的愿望。

>10 Types of Speech
Standard usage includes those words and expressions understood, used,

and accepted by a majority of the speakers of a language in any situation

regardless of the level of formality. As such, these words and expressions

are well



defined and listed in standard dictionaries. Colloquialisms, on

the other hand, are familiar words and idioms that



are understood by almost

all speakers of a language and used in informal speech or writing, but not

considered



appropriate for more formal situations. Almost all idiomatic

expressions are colloquial language. Slang, however,



refers to words and

expressions understood by a large number of speakers but not accepted as

good, formal usage by


the majority. Colloquial expressions and

even slang may be found in standard dictionaries but will be so




identified. Both colloquial usage and slang are more common in speech

than in writing.
Colloquial speech often passes into standard speech. Some slang also

passes into standard speech, but other slang



expressions enjoy momentary

popularity followed by obscurity. In some cases, the majority never accepts

certain



slang phrases but nevertheless retains them in their collective

memories. Every generation seems to require its own set of words to

describe familiar objects and events.
It has been pointed out by a number of linguists that three cultural

conditions are necessary for the creation of a large body of slang

expressions. First, the introduction and acceptance of new objects and

situations in the society; second, a diverse population with a

large number of subgroups; third, association among the subgroups and



the

majority population.
Finally, it is worth noting that the terms





for scholars who study language. Only

a tiny number of the speakers of any language will be aware that they are




using colloquial or slang expressions. Most speakers of English will,

during appropriate situations, select and use all three types of

expressions.
语言的类型标准用法包括那些为使用这种语言的大多数人在任何场 合下理解、
使
用和接受的词和短语，而不论该场合是否正式。

这些词和短语 的意义已很确定并被列入了标准词典中。
相反，
俗语是指那些几乎
所有讲这种语言的人 都理解并在非正式的口头或书面中

使用，
却不适用于更正规的一些场合的词和短语。
几乎所有的习惯用语都属于俗
语，而俚

语指的是为很多讲这种语言的人理解 但大多数人不把它们列入好的、
正式用法之
内的词和短语；
俗语甚至俚语都可能在标准 字典中查到，
但是字典中会标明它们
的性质。

俗语和俚语词汇的应用都是口 头较多、
笔头较少。
俗语用法经常地被接受为标准
用法。一些俚语也变
成了标准用法，
但另外一些俚语只经历了短暂的流行，
而后就被弃之不用了。
有< br>时候，多数人从来不接受某些俚语，但是他们把这些俚语保存到集中记忆中。

每一代人 似乎都需要独有的一套词汇来描述熟知的物体和事件。
很多语言学家指
出，大量俚语的形成需要 三个

文化条件：第一，对社会中新事物的引入和接受；第二，一个由大量子群构成的
多样化人口；

第三，各子群与多数人口之间的联系。最后需要提到的是，

标 准语

、

俗语

和

俚语

这些 术语只是对研究语言的专家才有用的抽象标签。

不论何种语言，只会有很小一部分使用者

能够意识到他们是在使用俗语或俚语。讲英语的多数人能够在适当的场合中选择
使用所有这三种语言类型。

>11 Archaeology
Archaeology is a source of history, not just a humble auxiliary discipline.

Archaeological data are historical



documents in their own right, not mere

illustrations to written texts. Just as much as any other historian, an




archaeologist studies and tries to reconstitute the process that has

created the human world in which we live --



and us ourselves in so far as

we are each creatures of our age and social environment. Archaeological

data are all



changes in the material world resulting from human action or,

more succinctly, the fossilized results of human



behavior. The sum total of

these constitutes what may be called the archaeological record. This record

exhibits certain peculiarities and deficiencies the consequences of

which produce a rather superficial contrast between



archaeological

history and the more familiar kind based upon written records.
Not all human behavior fossilizes. The words I utter and you hear as

vibrations in the air are certainly human







changes in the material world

and may be of great historical significance. Yet they leave no sort of

trace in the



archaeological records unless they are captured by a

dictaphone or written down by a clerk. The movement of troops



on the

battlefield may

ephemeral from the archaeologist's



standpoint. What is perhaps worse, most

organic materials are perishable. Everything made of wood, hide, wool,




linen, grass, hair, and similar materials will decay and vanish in dust in

a few years or centuries, save under very exceptional conditions. In a

relatively brief period the archaeological record is reduced to mere scraps

of



stone, bone, glass, metal, and earthenware. Still modern archaeology, by

applying appropriate techniques and



comparative methods, aided by a few

lucky finds from peat-bogs, deserts, and frozen soils, is able to fill up a




good deal of the gap.
考古学

考古学 是历史学的一个来源，
而不是地位卑微的辅助学科。
考古学资料本身也是
一种历史文献 ，而不仅仅是文字资料的例证。

正象任何一位历史学家那样，
考古学家研究调查并尽 力去重构一个过程。
这个过
程创造了我们生活的人类世界，也创造了我们自身，因为

我们都是我们所处的时代和社会环境的产物。
考古学的资料就是人类行为所造成
的物质 变化。更简洁地说，是石化了的人类行为。

这些变化的总和构成了我们所说的考古学记录。< br>这些记录自有其独特和不足之处，
因而导致人们对考古历史和更熟悉的文字记载历史进行相

当肤浅的对比。
并不是所有的人类行为都留下化石。
我说的话，
你通过空 气振动
听见，这

当然是人类造成的物质变化，
也可能有重大的历史意义，< br>但这些话在考古学中未
留下丝毫痕迹，除非有人用录音机录下来或文书把这些话写了下来。

战场上军队的行动可能

改变历史的进程

，但从考古学的观点来看 ，这同样是难
以捕捉的；可能更糟的是，多数有机物质会腐烂。

任何由木头、生皮、 绒线、亚麻、草、毛发以及相似物质做成的东西除非在一些
非常特殊的条件下，几年或几个世纪以后，会 在尘土中腐烂并消失。

在短时期内，能留下考古记录的东西也都会退化为石头、骨头、玻璃、 金属和陶
器的碎片。然而，现代考古学通

过运用适当的技术和比较的方法，
在从泥炭、
沙漠和冻土中所获得的一些幸运发
现的辅助下，能够填充这个空缺的很大部分。
>12 Museums
From Boston to Los Angeles, from New York City to Chicago to Dallas,

museums are either planning, building, or



wrapping up wholesale expansion

programs. These programs already have radically altered facades and floor

plans or



are expected to do so in the not-too-distant future.
In New York City alone, six major institutions have spread up and out into

the air space and neighborhoods around



them or are preparing to do so.
The reasons for this confluence of activity are complex, but one factor

is a consideration everywhere -- space.



With collections expanding, with

the needs and functions of museums changing, empty space has become a very




precious commodity.
Probably nowhere in the country is this more true than at the Philadelphia

Museum of Art, which has needed



additional space for decades and which

received its last significant facelift ten years ago. Because of the space




crunch, the Art Museum has become increasingly cautious in considering

acquisitions and donations of art, in some


cases passing up

opportunities to strengthen its collections.
Deaccessing -- or selling off -- works of art has taken on new importance

because of the museum's space problems.



And increasingly, curators have

been forced to juggle gallery space, rotating one masterpiece into public

view



while another is sent to storage.
Despite the clear need for additional gallery and storage space, however,





break out of its envelope in the next

fifteen years,
博物馆从波士顿到洛杉机，
从纽约到芝加哥 、
到达拉斯，
所有的博物馆或者正在
筹划、建造或

者正在完成大规 模的扩建计划。
这些计划或者已经根本性地改变了博物馆门面与
展厅的设计，或者预期在不久的 将来会这样做。

单单在纽约市，六个主要机构或者已经向空中和周围扩展，或者正准备这样做 。
大家一致行动的原因是复杂多样的，但其中的一个因素是普遍考虑的空间问题。

随 着收藏品的增多，
也随着博物馆的需要和功能的变化，
空间已经变成了一项非
常珍贵的 商品。
在我国，
也许没有任何其他地方比费城艺术博物馆更符合这个事
实。

这个博物馆几十年来一直需要额外的空间，十年前进行了最后一次重大的翻新。
由于空间

紧缺，
该艺术博物馆在考虑购买与受赠艺术品已越来越谨慎，
有时甚至放弃增强< br>艺术收藏的

机会。
由于博物馆的空间问题，
将艺术品脱手或者说卖掉 已经有了新的重要意义。
博物馆

馆长们被迫巧妙轮换利用陈列馆的空间，
轮 流着把一些艺术杰作向公众展出，
而
把另一些送

入存储室中。
虽然 对额外的陈列室和存储室空间需要很明显，
但据费城艺术博物
馆经理讲：



博物馆还没有在未来十五年打破这个束缚的计划。

>13 Skyscrapers and Environment
In the late 1960's, many people in North America turned their attention

to environmental problems, and new



steel-and-glass skyscrapers were widely

criticized. Ecologists pointed out that a cluster of tall buildings in a




city often overburdens public transportation and parking lot capacities.
Skyscrapers are also lavish consumers, and wasters, of electric power. In

one recent year, the addition of 17



million square feet of skyscraper

office space in New York City raised the peak daily demand for electricity

by



120, 000 kilowatts -- enough to supply the entire city of Albany, New

York, for a day.
Glass-walled skyscrapers can be especially wasteful. The heat loss (or

gain) through a wall of half-inch plate



glass is more than ten times

that through a typical masonry wall filled with insulation board. To

lessen



the



strain on heating and air-conditioning equipment, builders of

skyscrapers have begun to use double- glazed panels



of glass, and reflective

glasses coated with silver or gold mirror films that reduce glare

as well as heat gain.


However, mirror- walled skyscrapers raise the

temperature of the surrounding air and affect neighboring buildings.
Skyscrapers put a severe strain on a city's sanitation facilities, too. If

fully occupied, the two World Trade



Center towers in New York City would

alone generate 2.25 million gallons of raw sewage each year -- as much as a




city the size of Stanford, Connecticut, which has a population of more than

109, 000.
摩天大楼与环境

60
年代后期，许多北美人把注意力转向了环 境问题，那些崭新的玻璃钢摩天大
楼受到了广泛的批评。

生态学家指出，
城 市中密集的高层建筑经常给公共交通与停车场的承载能力造成
过重的负担。
摩天大楼还是电能的 过度消费者与浪费者。
最近的某一年，
纽约市
摩

天写字楼

1
，
700
万英尺办公面积的增加使电能的最高日需求量提高了

120
，
000
千瓦。这

些电能足以供纽约的整个奥尔 巴尼市使用一天。
玻璃表面的摩天大楼特别地浪费。
通过半

英寸的平板玻璃 墙壁损失
(
或增加
)
的热量是典型的加入绝缘板的石墙所允许的
热量 损失
(
或增加
)
的十倍以上。

为了减轻取暖设备或空调设 备的压力，
摩天大楼的建造者们已经开始使用双面上
釉的玻璃镶板和涂上了金色或银色反光薄膜 的反光玻璃，
来减少强光照射和热量
的

增加；
但是，
镜面 的摩天大楼会提高周围空气的温度并会对附近的建筑物产生影
响。摩天大楼也对城市的卫生设施造成了沉 重的压力。

单单纽约市的二个世界贸易中心大楼如果完全被占满的话，
每年就会产生

2
，
250
，
000
加仑的污水。这相当于康涅狄格州的斯坦福市这

样大的城市一年所产生的污水量，而康州的斯坦福市拥有

109
，
000
人口。

>14 A Rare Fossil Record
The preservation of embryos and juveniles is a rate occurrence in the

fossil record. The tiny, delicate skeletons



are usually scattered by

scavengers or destroyed by weathering before they can be fossilized.

Ichthyosaurs had a



higher chance of being preserved than did

terrestrial creatures because, as marine animals, they tended to live in




environments less subject to erosion. Still, their fossilization required

a suite of factors: a slow rate of decay



of soft tissues, little

scavenging by other animals, a lack of swift currents and waves to jumble

and carry away



small bones, and fairly rapid burial. Given these

factors, some areas have become a treasury of well-preserved




ichthyosaur fossils.
The


deposits at Holzmaden, Germany, present


an


interesting case

for analysis. The ichthyosaur remains are found in



black, bituminous

marine shales deposited about 190 million years ago. Over the years,

thousands of specimens of



marine reptiles, fish and invertebrates have been

recovered from these rocks. The quality of preservation is



outstanding, but

what is even more


impressive


is


the


number


of


ichthyosaur



fossils


containing


preserved


embryos.
Ichthyosaurs with embryos have been reported from 6 different levels of the

shale in a small area around Holzmaden, suggesting that a specific site

was used by large numbers of ichthyosaurs repeatedly over time. The

embryos are



quite advanced in their physical development; their paddles,

for example, are already well formed. One specimen is



even preserved in the

birth canal. In addition, the shale contains the remains of many newborns

that are between 20 and 30 inches long.
Why are there so many pregnant females and young at Holzmaden when they

are so rare elsewhere? The quality of



preservation is almost unmatched and

quarry operations have been carried out carefully with an awareness of

the



value of the fossils. But these factors do not account for the

interesting question of how there came to be such a



concentration of

pregnant ichthyosaurs in a particular place very close to their time of

giving birth.
罕见的化石记录胚胎与幼体被保存下来在化石记录中是少见的事情。
微小纤细的
骨骼通 常在石化前就被食腐肉的动物拆散了，或者被风化作用破坏掉了。

鱼龙比起陆地的动物有更大 的几率被保存下来，
因为它们作为海洋动物常生活在
腐蚀性较小的环境中。但是它
< br>们的石化需要一系列因素：
软组织的腐烂速度缓慢，
很少被其他动物残食，
缺少
混杂、冲走小骨头的快速水流和波浪，以及相当快地被掩埋。

当这些因素存在时，< br>某些地区就会变成一个充满保存完好的鱼龙化石的宝库。
在
德国获尔兹梅登，那儿的沉积 物给人们提出了一个有趣的分析案例。

人们在黑色的、含沥青的海洋页岩中发现了约

19
，
000
年前沉积下来的鱼龙化
石。

几年 时间内，
在这些岩石中取得了数以千计的海洋爬行动物、
鱼类以及无脊椎动
物的标本。

它们的保存质量非常的好，
但更令人称奇的是保存下来的育有胚胎的鱼龙化石数目。
在获尔兹梅登附近一个小地区的六个不同的页岩层中分别发现了育有胚胎的
鱼龙

化石。
这表明大量的鱼龙经年累月重复使用一个特定的地点。
那些胚胎已经发育< br>得相当完整了。比如，它们的蹼桨已经完全形成了。

有一个标本甚至被保存在产道中。
而且，
那块页岩包含着很多在

20
到

30
英寸
之间的新生幼体的化石。为什么在其他地方那么稀少的怀

孕雌兽和幼体在获尔兹梅登却那么多呢
?
因为其保存质量几乎举世无双，
采集工
作的进行一直是一丝不苟的。

大家都认识到这些化石的价值极其珍贵，
但这些因素并不能解释这个有趣的问题：
为什么在一 个特定的地点会如此集中地出现即将临产的怀孕鱼龙群呢
?
>15 The Nobel Academy
For the last 82 years, Sweden's Nobel Academy has decided who will receive

the Nobel Prize in Literature, thereby



determining who will be elevated

from the great and the near great to the immortal. But today the Academy is

coming under heavy criticism both from the without and from within. Critics

contend that the selection of the winners



often has less to do with true

writing ability than with the peculiar internal politics of the Academy and

of



Sweden itself. According to Ingmar Bjorksten, the cultural editor for

one of the country's two major newspapers,



the prize continues to represent



Academy has defended itself against such charges of provincialism in its

selection by asserting that its



physical distance from the great literary

capitals of the world actually serves to protect the Academy from outside

influences. This may well be true, but critics respond that this very

distance may also be responsible for the



Academy's inability to

perceive accurately authentic trends in the literary world.

Regardless of concerns over the selection process, however, it seems that

the prize will
continue to survive both



as an indicator of the literature that we most

highly praise, and as an elusive goal that writers seek. If for no



other

reason, the prize will continue to be desirable for the financial rewards

that accompany it; not only is the



cash prize itself considerable, but it

also dramatically increases sales of an author's books.
诺贝尔委员会

过去的

82
年里，
瑞典的诺贝尔委员会决定了谁将获得诺贝尔文学奖，
因此也就
决定了谁 将从伟大或近乎伟大荣升为不朽。

但在今天，该委员会却遭到了评选委员会内外的猛烈批评。 批评者们争论说：

评选获奖者时，起作用更大的不是真实的写作能力，而是该委员

会以及瑞典特有的内部政治。按照瑞典两家主要报纸之一的文化版编辑

Ingmar
Bjorksten

的说法，该文学奖仍然是

人们所说的一种非 常瑞典式的做为：反映瑞典口味

。
对于其评选

过程中目光短浅的指 责，
该委员会辩护说，
该委员会与世界几大文学之都相距遥
远，实际上使该委员会免受 外来的干扰。

这也许是对的，
但批评者们反驳说，
也正因为相距如此遥远，
该委员会才不能准
确地把握文学界的真正趋势。尽管对评选程序存在着关注，该文学奖将继
续作为世人最为推崇的文学的标志而存在，
并将继续是作家们难以达到却又会不
断追逐的目标。

如果不考虑其他因素，
而仅仅考虑与之俱来的经济利益，
该 奖也将继续为人所渴
求：

这不仅因为该奖本身就是一笔可观的现金收入，
而 且该奖还将极大地增加一个作
家的著作的销量。

>16 The War between Britain and France
In the late eighteenth century, battles raged in almost every corner of

Europe, as well as in the Middle East,



South Africa, the West Indies, and

Latin America. In reality, however, there was only one major war during

this



time, the war between Britain and France. All other battles were

ancillary to this larger conflict, and were often



at least partially

related to its antagonists' goals and strategies. France sought total

domination of Europe. This goal was obstructed by British independence and

Britain's efforts throughout the continent to thwart Napoleon;



through

treaties, Britain built coalitions (not


dissimilar in concept to

today's


NATO) guaranteeing British participation in all major European

conflicts. These two antagonists were poorly matched, insofar as they had

very



unequal strengths: France was predominant on land, Britain at sea. The

French knew that, short of defeating the



British navy, their only hope

of victory was to close all the ports of Europe to British ships.
Accordingly, France set out to overcome Britain by extending its military

domination from Moscow to Lisbon, from



Jutland to Calabria. All of this

entailed tremendous risk, because France did not have the military

resources to



control this much territory and still protect itself and

maintain order at home.
French strategists calculated that a navy of 150 ships would provide the

force necessary to defeat the British



navy. Such a force would give France

a three-to-two advantage over Britain. This advantage was deemed necessary




because of Britain's superior sea skills and technology, and also because

Britain would be fighting a defensive



war, allowing it to win with fewer

forces. Napoleon never lost


sight of


his goal, because


Britain



represented the



last


substantial
impediment to his control of Europe. As his force neared that goal,

Napoleon grew increasingly impatient and began planning an immediate

attack.
英法战争

在

18
世纪后期，战争爆发于欧洲大陆的几 乎每一个角落，在中东、南非、西印
度群岛、拉丁美洲亦都是如此。

然而实际上，< br>在这一时期只有一场主要的战争，
那就是英法之间的战争。
所有其
他战争都服从 于这一更大的争端，
至少是与这两个对手的目标和战略有某些关联。

法国力图统治整 个欧洲，
而英国的自主及其力图在整个欧洲大陆挫败拿破仑的种
种

努力都是 法国实现这一目标的障碍。英国通过条约建立了联盟
(
和今天北约的概
念没有什么不同
)
以保证英国插手所有欧洲的主要争端。

这两个对头并不是一对好对手，< br>因为他们的力量极不均衡：
法兰西在陆地上称王，
英格兰则在海上称霸。法国人明白，如 果不能击败英

国海军，他们胜利的唯一希望就是让欧洲的所有港口都对英国舰船关闭。于是，
法国将其

军事占领从莫斯科延伸到里斯本，
从尤特兰延伸到卡拉布里亚，< br>企图以此来制服
英国。所

有这些行动包含着巨大的风险，
因为法国并 不具备足够的军事资源，
来控制这么
多地盘，同时又能保护自己，维持国内的秩序。法国战略家 们的算盘是，其海军
若拥有

150
艘军舰，则将足以击跨英国海军。这样的武力将使法国对英国具有

3
比

2
的优势。这种优势被认为是

必不可少的，
因为英国人具有超群的海上技能和技术，
并且打的是一场防御战争，
使它能以少胜多。

拿破仑从未忘却他的目标，
因为英国是他统治全欧的最后一个重大的障碍。
随着< br>他的力量越来越靠近这个目标，
拿破仑变得越来越不耐烦起来，
开始策划立即攻
击。

>17 Evolution of Sleep
Sleep is very ancient. In the electroencephalographic sense we share it

with all the primates and almost all the



other mammals and birds: it may

extend back as far as the reptiles.
There is some evidence that the two types of sleep, dreaming and dreamless,

depend on the life-style of the animal, and that predators are

statistically much more likely to dream than prey, which are in turn much

more likely to



experience dreamless sleep. In dream sleep, the animal is

powerfully immobilized and remarkably unresponsive to







external stimuli.

Dreamless sleep is much shallower, and we have all witnessed cats or

dogs cocking their ears to a sound when apparently fast asleep. The fact

that deep dream sleep is rare among prey today seems clearly to be a




product of natural selection, and it makes sense that today, when sleep is

highly evolved, the stupid animals are




less frequently immobilized by

deep sleep than the smart ones. But why should they sleep deeply at all?

Why should



a state of such deep immobilization ever have evolved? Perhaps

one useful hint about the original function of sleep is to be found in the

fact that dolphins and whales







and aquatic mammals in general seem to sleep

very little. There is, by and large, no place to hide in the ocean.

Could it be that, rather than increasing an animal's

vulnerability, the function of sleep is to decrease it? Wilse



Webb of the

University of Florida and Ray Meddis of London University have suggested

this to be the case. It is



conceivable that animals who are too stupid

to be quiet on their own initiative are, during periods of high risk,

immobilized by the implacable arm of sleep. The point seems particularly

clear for the young of predatory animals.



This is an interesting notion and

probably at least partly true.
睡眠的进化

睡眠是古老的。
从脑电图上看，< br>我们人类和所有灵长目动物以及几乎所有的哺乳
动物和鸟类都一样需要睡眠；甚至爬行类动物也有 睡眠。

有证据显示，有梦睡眠和无梦睡眠这

两种类型的睡眠取决于该动物 的生活方式。
从统计上看，
食肉动物比被捕食动物
有更多的有梦睡眠，而被捕食动物更 多地无梦睡眠。

动物在有梦睡眠时，
被有效地解除动作能力，
并且对外界刺 激缺乏反应。
无梦睡
眠则要浅得多。我们都看到过猫和狗在显然的酣睡中，

有一点响动耳朵就会竖起来。
被捕食动物很少有深度的有梦睡眠，
这看来显然是
自然选 择的结果。

而且这一点是有道理的：
当睡眠高度进化以后，
愚笨的动物比聪 明的动物更少在
深度睡眠状态下丧失动作能力。

但是动物为什么要进入深度睡眠呢< br>?
为什么这样的无动作状态也会进化出来呢
?
海豚、鲸鱼以及水生哺乳动物睡眠都极少，这一事实可以给睡眠的根本

功能提供有用 的线索。
海洋中是没有藏身之处的。
会不会是这样，
睡眠不但不增
加动物受伤 害的可能性，反而是减少了这种可能性呢
?
佛罗里达大学的

Wilse

Webb
和伦敦大学的

Ray Meddis
认为情况就是如此。可以想像得出，在危险的
时刻，那些由于太愚笨而不能自动保
< br>持安静的动物，
会不由自主地变得动弹不得。
这一点在食肉动物的幼兽身上表现
得特别明显。这是一个很有意思的看法，它至少部分是正确的。

>18 Modern American Universities
Before the 1850's, the United States had a number of small colleges,

most of them dating from colonial days. They



were small, church connected

institutions whose primary concern was to shape the moral character of

their students.
Throughout Europe, institutions of higher learning had developed, bearing

the ancient name of university. In



Germany a different kind of university

had developed. The German university was concerned primarily with



creating


and spreading


knowledge,


not morals. Between midcentury

and the end of the 1800's, more than nine thousand young



Americans,

dissatisfied with their training at home, went to Germany for advanced

study. Some of them returned to become presidents of venerable colleges --

Harvard, Yale, Columbia -- and transform them into modern universities.



The

new presidents broke all ties with the churches and brought in a new kind

of faculty. Professors were hired for their knowledge of a subject, not

because they were of the proper faith and had a strong arm for

disciplining



students. The new principle was that a university was to

create knowledge as well as pass it on, and this called




for a faculty

composed of teacher-scholars. Drilling and learning by rote were

replaced by the German method of lecturing, in which the professor's

own research was presented in class. Graduate training leading to the

Ph.D., an ancient German degree signifying the highest level of

advanced scholarly attainment, was introduced. With the



establishment of

the seminar system, graduate students learned to question, analyze, and

conduct their own



research.
At the same time, the new university greatly expanded in size and course

offerings, breaking completely out of the



old, constricted curriculum of

mathematics, classics, rhetoric, and music. The president of Harvard

pioneered the



elective system, by which students were able to choose their

own courses of study. The notion of major fields of



study emerged. The new

goal was to make the university relevant to the real pursuits of the world.

Paying close



heed to the practical needs of society, the new

universities trained men and women to work at its tasks, with

engineering students being the most characteristic of the new regime.

Students were also trained as economists,


architects, agriculturalists,

social welfare workers, and teachers.
现代美国大学


19
世纪

50
年代以前美国有一些小的学院，大多数成立于殖民时期。它们是与
教会挂

钩 的小机构，
主要目的是培养学生的道德品行。
当时在欧洲各地，
高等教育机构
已经发展起来，用的是一个古老的名称
--
大学。

德国已经发展出一种不同 类型的大学。
德国大学关心的主要是创造知识和传播知
识，而不是道德教育。从世纪中叶到世纪 末，有

9000
多名美

国青年因不满国内所受的教育而赴德深 造。
他们中的一些人回国后成为一些知名
学府
--
哈佛、耶鲁、哥伦比亚的校 长并且把这些学府转变成了现代意义的大学。

新校长们断绝了和教会的关系，
聘请了 新型的教职员，
聘用教授根据的是他们在
学科方面的知识，而不是正确的信仰和约束学生的强硬 手段。

新的原则是大学既要传播知识也要创造知识。
这就需要由学者型老师组成教工 队
伍。靠死记硬背和做练习来学习的方法变为德国式的讲解方法。德

国式的讲解就是 由教授讲授自己的研究课题。
通过研究生性质的学习可以获得表
明最高学术造诣的古老的德国学 位
--
博士学位。

随着讨论课制度的建立，研究生们学会了提问、分析以及 开展他们自己的研究。
同时，新式大学学校规模和课程设置完全突破了过去那种只

有 数学、
经典著作、
美学和音乐的狭窄课程表。
哈佛大学的校长率先推出选课制
度，这样

学生们就能选择自己的专业。
主修领域的概念也出现了。
新的目标 是使大学对实
际社会更有用。

密切关注着社会上的实际需求，
新的大学着意 培养学生解决问题的能力。
工程系
学生

成为新式教育体制下最典型的学生。
学生们还被培训成为经济学家、
建筑师、
农
学家、社会工作人员以及教师。< br>
>19 Children's Numerical Skills
People appear to be born to compute. The numerical skills of children

develop so early and so inexorably that it is easy to imagine an internal

clock of mathematical maturity guiding their growth. Not long after

learning to walk



and talk, they can set the table with impressive accuracy
-- one knife, one spoon, one fork, for each of the five



chairs. Soon they

are capable of noting that they have placed five knives, spoons and forks

on the table and, a bit later, that this amounts to fifteen pieces of

silverware. Having thus mastered addition, they move on to



subtraction.

It seems almost reasonable to expect that if a child were secluded on a

desert island at birth and retrieved seven years later, he or she could

enter a second-grade mathematics class without any serious problems of

intellectual adjustment.
Of course, the truth is not so simple. This century, the work of cognitive

psychologists has illuminated the subtle forms of daily learning on which

intellectual progress depends. Children were observed as they slowly

grasped --



or, as the case might be, bumped into -- concepts that adults

take for granted, as they refused, for instance, to



concede that quantity

is unchanged as water pours from a short stout glass into a tall thin one.

Psychologists have since demonstrated that young children, asked to count

the pencils in a pile, readily report the number of blue or



red pencils,

but must be coaxed into finding the total. Such studies have suggested that

the rudiments of



mathematics are mastered gradually, and with effort. They

have also suggested that the very concept of abstract



numbers - the idea of

a oneness, a twoness, a threeness that applies to any class of objects and

is a prerequisite for doing anything more mathematically demanding than

setting a table - is itself far from innate.
儿童的数学能力

人似乎生来就会计算。
孩子们使用数字的技能发展得如此之早和如此必然，
很容
易让人想象有一个内在的精确而成熟的数字钟在指导他们的成长。

孩子们在学会走路和说话 后不久，就能以令人惊叹的准确布置桌子
--
五把椅子前
面分别摆上一把刀、一个汤匙 、一把叉

子。
很快地，
他们就能知道他们已在桌面上摆放了五把刀、
五个汤匙、
五把叉子。
没有多久，他们就又能知道这些东西加起来总共是

15
把银餐具。

如此这般地掌握了加法之后，
他们又转向减法。
有一种设想几乎顺理成章，
那就
是，即使一个孩子一出生就被隔绝到荒岛
< br>上，
七年后返回世间，
也能直接上小学二年级的数学课，
而不会碰到任何智力调
整方面的大麻烦。当然，事实并没有这么简单。

本世纪认知心理学家的工作已经揭示 了智力发展所依赖的日常学习的微妙形式。
他们观察到孩子们缓慢掌握那些成年人认为理所当然的概念的

过程，
或者是孩子们偶然遇到这些概念的过程。
他们也观察到孩子们拒绝承 认某
些常识的情况。比如：

孩子们拒绝承认当水从短而粗的瓶中倒入细而长的瓶子中 时，
水的数量没有变化。
心理学家们而后又展示一个例子，

即：
让 孩子们数一堆铅笔时，
他们能顺利地报出蓝铅笔或红铅笔的数目，
但却需
诱导才能报出 总的数目。此类研究表明：数学基础是经过逐渐努力后掌握的。

他们还表示抽象的数字概念，
如可表示任何一类物品并且是在做比摆桌子有更高
数学要求的任何事时都必备的一、二、三意识 ，远远不是天生就具备的。


>20


The


Historical


Significance


of American Revolution
The ways of history are so intricate and the motivations of human actions

so complex that it is always hazardous to attempt to represent events

covering a number of years, a multiplicity of persons, and distant

localities as the



expression of one intellectual or social movement; yet

the historical process which culminated in the ascent of



Thomas Jefferson

to the presidency can be regarded as the outstanding example not only of

the birth of a new way of life but of nationalism as a new way of life. The

American Revolution represents the link between the seventeenth century,

in which modern England became conscious of itself, and the awakening of

modern Europe at the end of the



eighteenth century. It may seem strange

that the march of history should have had to cross the Atlantic Ocean, but




only in the North American colonies could a struggle for civic liberty lead

also to the foundation of a new nation.
Here, in the popular rising against a

were more than the securing of a freer



constitution. They included the

growth of a nation born in liberty by the will of the people, not from the

roots of common descent, a geographic entity, or the ambitions of king or

dynasty. With the American nation, for the first



time, a nation was born,

not in the dim past of history but before the eyes of the whole world.
美国革命的历史意义历史的进程是如此错综复杂，
人类行为的动机 是如此令人费
解，以至于想把那些时间跨

度大，
涉及人数多，
空间 范围广的事件描述成为一个智者或一场社会运动的表现
的企图是危险的。

然而以托马 斯
?
杰弗逊登上总统宝座为高潮的那一段历史过程可以被视为一个特
殊的例子。

在这段历史时期里不仅诞生了新的生活方式，
而且民族主义成为了一种新的生活
方 式。美国独立战争成为联结

17
世纪现代英格兰的自我意识和

18

世纪末现代欧洲的觉醒的纽带。
历史的行程需要跨越大西洋，
这看起来似乎有些
奇怪，但却只有在北美殖民地为民权和自由的斗争才能导致新国家的建立。

这里，反对

暴政

的民众起义的成果不仅是获得一个包含更多自由的宪 法，还包
括了一个依照人民的意愿诞生在自由中的国家的成长。这

个国家不是基于血 缘、地理、君主或王朝的野心。由于有了美国，第一次一个国
家的诞生

不是发生在历史模糊的过去，而是在全世界人们的眼前。

>21 The Origin of Sports
When did sport begin? If sport is, in essence, play, the claim might

be made that sport is much older than



humankind, for, as we all have

observed, the beasts play. Dogs and cats wrestle and play ball games.

Fishes and



birds dance. The apes have simple, pleasurable games.

Frolicking infants, school children playing tag, and adult







arm wrestlers

are demonstrating strong, transgenerational and transspecies bonds with the

universe of animals -



past, present, and future. Young animals,

particularly, tumble, chase, run, wrestle, mock, imitate, and laugh(or so

it seems) to the point of delighted exhaustion. Their play, and ours,

appears to serve no other purpose than to



give pleasure to the players, and

apparently, to remove us temporarily from the anguish of life in earnest.




Some philosophers have claimed that our playfulness is the most noble part

of our basic nature. In their generous



conceptions, play harmlessly and

experimentally permits us to put our creative forces, fantasy, and

imagination



into action. Play is release from the tedious battles against

scarcity and decline which are the incessant, and







inevitable, tragedies of

life. This is a grand conception that excites and provokes. The holders of

this view claim that the origins of our highest accomplishments - liturgy,

literature, and law



- can be traced to a play impulse which, paradoxically,

we see most purely enjoyed by young beasts and children. Our sports, in

this rather happy,


nonfatalistic view of human nature, are more

splendid creations of the nondatable, transspecies play impulse.
体育的起源体育运动开始于何时
?
如果体育运动的本质就是游戏的 话，我们就可
以宣称体育运动比

人类古老，因为正如我们所观察到的，野兽也进行嬉 戏。狗和猫会扭抱玩球，鱼
和鸟翩翩起舞，猿类会进行一些简单的、愉快的游戏。

雀 跃的幼儿，
捉迷藏的学童和成年摔跤者展示出人与动物界的有力的跨越世代与
物种的永恒的联系
--
特别是幼兽，它们翻筋斗、追逐、

奔跑、扭打、模仿、嬉笑
(
或者看起来是
)
，直到愉快地精疲力尽。他们的玩耍，
同我们的
< br>一样，
似乎并没有别的目的而只是给游戏者以愉悦，
暂时把我们从严肃生活的痛
苦中拉出来。一些哲学家称我们的嬉戏是我们本质中最崇高的部分。

依他们这些随意性很大的 见解，
游戏无害而且实验性地允许我们的创造力、
幻想
和想象发挥作用。游戏让人们从 永不间断亦

不可避免的生活悲剧
-
与乏匮和衰退进行的枯燥抗争中得到一种 解脱。这是一个
令人兴奋、给人启发的伟大见解。

这种见解的持有者宣称，
我们的最高成就如宗教典礼、
文学、
法律的起源可以追
溯到游戏的冲动。但令人不解的 是我们看到只有幼兽和小孩子才最纯粹地享

受着这种冲动。从这种比较豁达和非宿命的人性观 来看，我们的运动是超时代、
跨物种的辉煌的创造。

>22 Collectibles
Collectibles have been a part of almost every culture since ancient times.

Whereas some objects have been collected for their usefulness, others

have been selected for their aesthetic beauty alone. In the United

States, the kinds


of collectibles currently popular range from
traditional objects such as stamps, coins, rare books, and art to more

recent items of interest like dolls, bottles, baseball cards, and comic

books.
Interest in collectibles has increased enormously during the past decade,

in part because some collectibles have


demonstrated their value as

investments. Especially during cycles of high inflation, investors try to

purchase







tangibles that will at least retain their current market values.

In general, the most traditional collectibles will be sought because they

have preserved their value over the years, there is an organized auction

market for them,



and they are most easily sold in the event that cash is

needed. Some examples of the most stable collectibles are



old masters,

Chinese ceramics, stamps, coins, rare books, antique jewelry, silver,

porcelain, art by well-known artists, autographs, and


period

furniture. Other


items of more recent


interest include old

photograph records, old



magazines, post cards, baseball cards, art glass,

dolls, classic cars, old bottles, and comic books. These



relatively new

kinds of collectibles may actually appreciate faster as short-term

investments, but may not hold



their value as long-term investments. Once a

collectible has had its initial play, it appreciates at a fairly

steady rate, supported by an increasing number of enthusiastic

collectors competing for the limited supply of



collectibles that become

increasingly more difficult to locate.
收藏品

从古代开始，
收藏品就是文化的一部分。
一些物品因它们的有用性被收藏，
而另
一些则纯粹因为它们的美被收藏。

在 美国，
当今流行的收藏品种类从传统物件，
如邮票、
硬币、
珍本书籍、
艺术品，
到更近期一些的有趣的东西，如布娃娃、瓶子、垒球卡、连环漫画册。

对 收藏品的兴趣在过去十年中大大地增长，
部分原因是一些收藏品显示出了它们
的投资价值。
尤其在高通货膨胀时期，
投资者尽量购买那些至少会保持他们现有市场价值的有
形资产。一般来说，最传统的收藏品受青睐，因为它们多年后仍保持其价值。

它们拥有完善的 拍卖市场，
在需要现金的时候最容易被卖掉。
一些最稳当的收藏
品是古老的画作、中国 陶

器、邮票、硬币、珍本书籍、古代珠宝、银器、瓷器、著名艺术家的作品、亲笔
签 名和有时代特征的家具。

其它更近期的物品有旧唱片、旧杂志、明信片、垒球卡片、彩色玻璃 、布娃娃、
早期汽车、
古瓶和连环画册。
作为短期投资这些相对说来较新颖的收藏品的 确可
能

更快地增值，
但作为长期投资则可能不能保值。
一旦一件收 藏品有了它第一次交
易，它便

以一个相当稳定的比率增值，这个增值率受到越来越多 的热情的收藏者的支持，
他们为有限的而且越来越难找到的收藏品而竞争。

>23 Henry Ford
Although Henry Ford's name is closely associated with the concept of mass

production, he should receive equal


credit for introducing labor

practices as early as 1913 that would be considered advanced even by

today's



standards. Safety measures were improved, and the work day was

reduced to eight hours, compared with the ten-or



twelve-hour day common at

the time. In order to accommodate the shorter work day, the entire

factory was converted



from two to three shifts.
In addition, sick leaves as well as improved medical care for those injured

on the job were instituted. The Ford



Motor Company was one of the first

factories to develop a technical school to train specialized skilled

laborers



and an English language school for immigrants. Some efforts were

even made to hire the handicapped and provide jobs for former convicts.
The most widely acclaimed innovation was the five-dollar-a-day minimum wage

that was offered in order to recruit



and retain the best mechanics and to

discourage the growth of labor unions. Ford explained the new wage policy

in



terms of efficiency and profit sharing. He also mentioned the fact that

his employees would be able to purchase the automobiles that they

produced -- in effect creating a market for the product. In order to

qualify for the minimum



wage, an employee had to establish a decent home

and demonstrate good personal habits, including sobriety,



thriftiness,

industriousness, and dependability. Although some criticism was directed at

Ford for involving himself too much in the personal lives of his employees,

there can be no doubt that, at a time when immigrants were being



taken

advantage of in frightful ways, Henry Ford was helping many people to

establish themselves in America.
亨利
?福特尽管亨利
?
福特的名字和大生产的概念相连，
但他在劳工保护上得到同
样的赞誉，因为

他早在

1913
年便实行了用今天的标准来 衡量依然是先进的标准。
安全措施得到
改进，日工作时间从当时普遍的

10
或

12
小时减少到

8
小时。
< br>为了适应更短的日工作时间，
整个工厂从双班变成了三班。
而且，
病假和改善了
的工伤医疗得以制度化。福特汽车公司是最早建

立技术学校来培训专门技工和为移民 开设英语学校的工厂之一。
公司甚至为雇佣
残疾人和

有前科的人而作出了一 些努力。
最受广泛称赞的革新是实行五美元一天的最低工
资。其目的是招收和留住那些最好的技 工并阻碍工会的发展。

福特从效率和利润分享的角度来解释这项新的工资政策。
他也 提到这样一个事实，
他的员工可以买他们生产的汽车
--
这实际上是为其产品另开辟了 一个市场。

为了够资格得到最低工资，
员工必须建立一个得体的家庭并显示出良好的 个人习
惯，包括节制、俭省、勤勉和可靠。虽然有人批评福特过多地干涉

了员工的私 人生活，但毫无疑问，在移民们被用恶劣的方式剥削的时代，亨利
?
福特却帮助了许多人在美国 扎下根来。

>24 Piano
The ancestry of the piano can be traced to the early keyboard instruments

of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries



-- the spinet, the dulcimer, and

the virginal. In the seventeenth century the organ, the clavichord, and the




harpsichord became the chief instruments of the keyboard group, a supremacy

they maintained until the piano



supplanted them at the end of the

eighteenth century. The clavichord's tone was metallic and never

powerful;



nevertheless, because of the variety of tone possible to it,

many composers found the clavichord a sympathetic



instrument for intimate

chamber


music. The harpsichord with its bright, vigorous tone was

the favorite instrument



for supporting the bass of the small orchestra of

the period and for concert use, but the character of the tone



could not be

varied save by mechanical or structural devices.
The piano was perfected in the early eighteenth century by a

harpsichord maker in Italy(though


musicologists point



out several



previous


instances of


the instrument). This instrument was called a

piano e forte (soft and loud), to



indicate its dynamic versatility; its

strings were struck by a recoiling hammer with a felt-padded head. The

wires


were much heavier in the earlier instruments. A series of

mechanical improvements continuing well into the nineteenth century,

including the introduction of pedals to sustain tone or to soften

it, the perfection of a metal frame, and steel wire of the finest

quality, finally produced an instrument capable of myriad tonal effects

from




the most delicate harmonies to an almost orchestral fullness
of sound, from a liquid, singing tone to a sharp,



percussive brilliance.
钢琴

钢琴的家系可以追溯至

15
至

16
世纪早期的键盘乐器，
包括小型拨弦琴、
洋琴
和维金娜琴。

17

世纪时风琴、
敲弦琴和拨弦琴成为键盘乐器类的主要成员。
这种至高无上的地位
一直为它们所保持，直到

18
世纪末期钢琴将它们取代。

敲弦古钢琴的音调有金属的音质，
缺乏雄劲。< br>然而由于它的音调变化多，
许多作
曲家发现对于亲切的室内乐是一种得体的乐器。

人们最喜欢用具备明快有力音调的拨弦古钢琴来配合当时小型管弦乐团的低音
乐器以及在演 奏会上演奏。
但它的音调难以变化，
除非使用机械或构件装置。
18
世纪早期的意大利，钢琴在一位拨琴钢琴制造者手中得到完善
(
尽管音乐理论家
们 指出有更早的例子
)
。这种乐器被称为

piano eforte

(
意大利语，柔和而响亮的
)
，以显示它有力的多样性。演奏者用 一个头部带皮毡
的弹击乐锤敲击琴弦。更早的这种乐器之上的金属丝要重得多。从此，持

续到

19
世纪的一系列机械上的改进，
包括引入踏板以维持音调 或使其柔和，
改
善金属框架，
以及使用最佳性能的钢丝，
最终产生了一种具备 无数音调效果的乐
器。

这些效果涵盖了从最精致的和声到几乎全部的管弦乐音响，< br>从明快流畅的吟唱的
音调到尖锐的打击乐器的清晰动人的恢宏气势。

>25 Movie Music
Accustomed though we are to speaking of the films made before 1927 as





full sense of the word,

silent. From the very beginning, music was regarded as an indispensable

accompaniment; when the Lumiere films were shown at the first public film

exhibition in the United States in February 1896, they were



accompanied by

piano improvisations on popular tunes. At first, the music played bore no

special relationship to



the films; an accompaniment of any kind was

sufficient. Within a very short time, however, the incongruity of



playing

lively music to a solemn film became apparent, and film pianists began to

take some care in matching their



pieces to the mood of the film.
As movie theaters grew in number and importance, a violinist, and perhaps a

cellist, would be added to the pianist



in certain cases, and in the

larger movie theaters small orchestras were formed. For a number of years

the



selection of music for each film program rested entirely in the hands

of the conductor or leader of the orchestra,



and very often the principal

qualification for holding such a position was not skill or taste so much

as the



ownership of a large personal library of musical pieces. Since

the conductor seldom saw the films until the night



before they were to be

shown (if indeed, the conductor was lucky enough to see them then), the

musical arrangement



was normally improvised in the greatest hurry.
To help meet this difficulty, film distributing companies started the

practice of publishing suggestions for



musical accompaniments. In 1909,

for example, the Edison Company began issuing with their films such

indications of mood as

more explicit, and so emerged the musical cue



sheet containing indications

of mood, the titles of suitable pieces of music, and precise directions to

show where



one piece led into the next.
Certain films had music especially composed for them. The most famous of

these early special scores was that



composed and arranged for D. W.

Griffith's film Birth of a Nation, which was released in 1915.
电影插曲

尽管我们习惯于将

1927
年以前的电影称为

无声电影

，
但是就无 声这个词完整
的意义

上来说，
电影从未真正的无声过，
从最初开始 音乐就被视为必不可少的伴奏。
当
卢米埃尔的电影在

1896
年

2

月美国首届影片公映展览上放映的时候，影片便用当时的 流行曲临场钢琴伴奏。
最初，
这些音乐伴奏与电影没有什么特别的关系，
用什么曲子伴 奏都行。
但在很

短的时间内，
为一部庄重的影片演奏快活的音乐所产生的不 协调感变得显而易见，
因此钢琴家们开始注意将自己的作品与影片的情调结合起来。

随着影剧院在数量上与重要性上的不断增长，
在一些场合，
除了钢琴师外，
还要
加上小提琴师，或许还有一位大提琴师。较大

的影剧院里还组成了小型的管弦乐队。
在很长的时间内，
为各部影片选择配乐完
全掌握在

乐队指挥或队长手中，
而通常把持这种职位的资格不是技巧或鉴赏品味，
而是拥
有一个大的音乐作品的个人收 藏。

因为直到电影上映的前一天晚上乐队指挥才能看到影片
(
如果这个指挥 真正有幸
能够看到影片的话
)
，音乐安排通常是在非常匆忙的情况下临场进行的。为了 解

决以上的困难，电影发行公司开办了为音乐伴奏印制提示单的业务。例如

1909
年爱迪生公

司开始将一些诸如

喜悦的

、

悲伤的

、

活泼的

之类表明影片 情调特征的提示
与影片一起发行。

这些提示逐渐变得更加具体，
并且出现了 包括影片情调说明、
适用乐曲名称和乐
曲转换点等内容的配乐说明单。某些影片拥有专门为其创 作的音乐。

这些早期特创乐谱中最著名的便是为

D.
W.
格雷夫斯

1915
年上映的影片《一
个国家的诞生》所创作的音乐。

>26


International


Business


and Cross-cultural Communication
The increase in international business and in foreign investment has

created a need for executives with knowledge



of foreign languages and

skills in cross- cultural communication. Americans, however, have not been

well trained in



either area and, consequently, have not enjoyed the same

level of success in negotiation in an international arena



as have their

foreign counterparts.
Negotiating is the process of communicating back and forth for the purpose

of reaching an agreement. It involves



persuasion and compromise, but in

order to participate in either one, the negotiators must understand the

ways in



which people are persuaded and how compromise is reached within

the culture of the negotiation.
In many international business negotiations abroad, Americans are perceived

as wealthy and impersonal. It often


appears to the foreign

negotiator that the American represents a large multi-million-dollar

corporation that can



afford to pay the price without bargaining further.

The American negotiator's role becomes that of an impersonal



purveyor of

information and cash.
In studies of American negotiators abroad, several traits have been

identified that may serve to confirm this



stereotypical perception, while

undermining the negotiator's position. Two traits in particular that cause




cross-cultural misunderstanding are directness and impatience on the part

of the


American


negotiator. Furthermore,



American


negotiators

often


insist on realizing short- term goals. Foreign negotiators, on the

other hand, may value



the relationship established between negotiators and

may be willing to invest time in it for long-term benefits. In order to

solidify the relationship, they may opt for indirect interactions

without regard for the time
involved in



getting to know the other negotiator.
Clearly, perceptions and differences in values affect the outcomes of

negotiations and the success of negotiators.



For Americans to play a

more effective role in international business negotiations, they must put

forth more effort to improve cross-cultural understanding. 国际商业和跨文化交流国际贸易和海外投资的增加产生了对具有外语知识和跨
文化交流技巧的经理的 需求。

然而，
美国人在这两方面未得到良好的训练，
因此没有在国际谈判中 象他们的外
国对手一样成功。谈判是为了达成协议而反复交流的过程。它包括说服和妥协。
< br>但是为了去进行说服和妥协，
谈判者必须懂得在谈判的文化中怎样说服人和怎样
达成妥协 。在国外的国际商务谈判中，美国人被视为富有和不带个人情感。

在外国谈判者看来，
似乎美国人代表着一个庞大的拥有数百万资财的大企业，
不
用进一步地讨价还价就能出得起价 钱。

美国谈判者的角色变成了一个没有个人感情的信息及现金的供应者。
对在国外的
美

国谈判者的研究中，
我们找出了损害谈判者能力的几个特点，
或 许证实这个已成
定式的看法。
尤其引起跨文化误解的两个特点是美国谈判者的直截了当和缺乏耐
心。

此外，
美国谈判者经常坚持实现短期目标，
而外国的谈判者会 珍视建立谈判者之
间的联系并愿意为长期利益投入时间。

为了巩固这种联系，
他们会选择非直接的交流而不计较投入用于了解对方的时间。
明显地，价值观的不同和理解上的差异影 响了谈判的结果和谈判者的成功与否。

美国人要在国际商务谈判中扮演更为有效的角色，他们就必须投入更多的努力提
高跨文化的理解力。

>27 Scientific Theories
In science, a theory is a reasonable explanation of observed events that

are related. A theory often involves an



imaginary model that helps

scientists picture the way an observed event could be produced. A good

example of this



is found in the kinetic molecular theory, in which gases

are pictured as being made up of many small particles that are in constant

motion.
A useful theory, in addition to explaining past observations, helps to

predict events that have not as yet been



observed. After a theory has been

publicized, scientists design experiments to test the theory. If

observations



confirm the scientists' predictions, the theory is

supported. If observations do not confirm the predictions, the



scientists

must search further. There may be a fault in the experiment, or the theory

may have to be revised or



rejected.
Science involves imagination and creative thinking as well as collecting

information and performing experiments.


Facts by themselves are not

science. As the mathematician Jules Henri Poincare said,

with facts



just as a house is built with bricks, but a collection of facts

cannot be called science any more than a pile of



bricks can be called

a house.

scientists have learned about a particular problem. After known facts have

been gathered, the scientist comes to the part of the investigation that

requires



considerable imagination. Possible solutions to the problem are

formulated. These possible solutions are called



hypotheses.
In a way, any hypothesis is a leap into the unknown. It extends the

scientist's thinking beyond the known facts.



The scientist plans

experiments, performs calculations, and makes observations to test

hypotheses. Without



hypothesis, further investigation lacks purpose and

direction. When hypotheses are confirmed, they are incorporated into

theories.
科学理论


在科学中，
理论是对所观察到的相关事件的合理解释。
理论通常包含一个虚构的
模型，

这个模型帮助科学家构想所观察到的事件是 如何发生的。
分子运动理论便是我们
能找到的一个很好的例子。

在这个理论 中，气体被描绘成由许多不断运动的小颗粒组成。一个有用的理论，
除了能够解释过去的观测，
还有助于预测那些未被观测到的事件。
一个理论公开

后，
科学家们设计实验 来检验这个理论。
如果观察证实了科学家的预言，
这个理
论则得到了验证。
如 果观察不能证实科学家的预言，
科学家就必须进一步的研究。

或许是实验存在错误，
或许是这个理论必须被修改或抛弃。
科学家除了收集信息
和操作实验外还需要想象能力 和创
/
造性思维。事实本身并不是科学。

正如数学家乔斯
?
亨利
?
波恩克尔所说：

科学建立在事实之上，就像房子用砖砌
成一 样。但事实的收集不能被称作科学，就像一堆砖不能被叫作房子一样。


多数科学家通 过找出别的科学家在一个特定问题上的所知来开始研究。在收集
了已知事实之后，科学家开始了研究中需 要相当想像力的部分。他们尔后拟订

对这个问题的可行的解决方法。
这些可行的解决 方式被称为假设。
在某种意义上，
任何假

设都是向未知的跳跃。
它 使科学家的思维超越已知事实。
科学家计划实验、
计算、
观测以检验假定。若没有假设 ，进一步的研究便缺乏目的和方向。

当假设被证实了，就成为理论的一部分。

>28


Changing


Roles


of


Public Education
One of the most important social developments that helped to make

possible a shift in thinking about the role of



public education was the

effect of the baby boom of the 1950's and
1960's on the schools. In the 1920's, but



especially in the Depression

conditions of the 1930's, the United States experienced a declining birth

rate --



every thousand women aged fifteen to forty-four gave birth to about

118 live children in 1920
，
89.2 in 1930
，
75.8



in 1936, and 80 in
1940. With the growing prosperity brought on by the Second World War and

the economic boom that



followed it young people married and established

households earlier and began to raise larger families than had



their

predecessors during the Depression. Birth rates rose to 102 per thousand

in 1946, 106.2 in 1950, and 118 in



1955. Although economics was probably

the most important determinant, it is not the only explanation for the

baby



boom. The increased value placed on the idea of the family also helps

to explain this rise in birth rates. The baby boomers began streaming into

the first grade by the mid 1940's and became a flood by 1950. The public

school system suddenly found itself overtaxed. While the number of

schoolchildren rose because of wartime and postwar conditions, these same

conditions made the schools even less prepared to cope with the flood. The

wartime economy meant that



few new schools were built between 1940 and

1945. Moreover, during the war and in the boom times that followed,



large

numbers of teachers left their profession for better-paying jobs elsewhere

in the economy.
Therefore in the 1950's and 1960's, the baby boom hit an antiquated and

inadequate school system. Consequently, the

1930's and early 1940's no longer made sense that is, keeping youths aged

sixteen and



older out of the labor market by keeping them in school could

no longer be a high priority for an institution



unable to find space

and staff to teach younger children aged five to sixteen. With the baby

boom, the focus of



educators and of laymen interested in education

inevitably turned toward the lower grades and back to basic



academic
skills and discipline. The system no longer had much interest in offering

nontraditional, new, and extra


services to older youths.
公共教育的角色变化一项重要的、
有可能促使人们对公共教育的角色的看法发生
转变的社会发展 是本世纪五

六十年代的生育高峰对学校的影响。
在

20
年代，
尤其是在

30
年代后的大萧条
中，美国经历了一次出生率的下降
--1920
年每千名年龄在

15

岁至

45
岁的妇女生下大约

118
个存活婴儿，

1930
年

89.2
个，
1936
年

75.8
个，
1940
年

80
个。
随着二战带来的持续繁荣
以及随之而来

的经济增长，
年轻人比大萧条中的同龄人更早地结婚成家，
而且比前辈养育更大
的家庭。

1946
年出生率上升到

102%
，
1950
年达

106%
，
1955
年达

118%
。对于生育高
峰，经济有可

能是最重要的决定因素，但它并不是唯一的解释。
不断受到重视的家庭观念也有
助于解释出生率的上升。到

40

年代中期为止，
这些生育高峰出生的孩子们开始源源不断地进入小学 一年级。
到
了

1950
年，就形成了一股洪流。公共教育系统突然感到不堪重负了。

由于战时和战后的状况 ，
使得学龄儿童人数增加，
这些状况使得学校面对这股洪
流更加措手不及。战时经济意 味着在

1940
年到

1950