velo英语背诵美文80篇(含翻译).

2021年1月24日发(作者：旅途中)
one that confronts student
conductors: they have to learn to know
>01 The Language of Music
A
painter
hangs
his
or
her
finished
every note of the music and how it
should
sound, and
they have
to
aim
at
picture
on
a
wall,
and
everyone
can
see
it. A composer writes a work, but no
controlling these sounds with

one
can
hear
it
until
it
is
fanatical but
selfless authority.
Technique is of no use unless it is
performed.
Professional singers and players have
combined with musical knowledge
and
understanding.
Great
artists
are
great responsibilities, for the

composer is utterly dependent on them.
those who
are so thoroughly at home
A student of music needs as long and
in

as
arduous
a
training
to
become
a

performer
as
a
medical
student
needs
to
become
a
doctor.
Most

training
is
concerned with technique, for
musicians
have to have the muscular
proficiency of an athlete or a ballet
dancer.
Singers
practice
breathing
every day, as
their
vocal
chords
would
be
inadequate
without
controlled
muscular
support.
String
players
practice
moving the
fingers
of
the
left
hand
up
and down, while drawing the bow to
and
fro
with
the
right
arm
--
two
entirely different movements.
Singers
and
instrumentalists
have
to
be
able to get every note perfectly in
tune.
Pianists
are
spared
this

particular
anxiety,
for
the
notes
are
already
there,
waiting
for
them,
and
it
is the piano tuner's responsibility
to tune the instrument for them. But
they have their own difficulties: the
hammers

that

hit

the

strings
have

to

be



coaxed

not

to
sound
like

percussion,

and

each
overlapping tone has to sound clear.
This
problem
of
getting
clear
texture
is
the
language
of
music
that
they
can
enjoy performing works written in any
century.
01
音乐的语言

画家将已完成的作品挂在墙上，
每个人都可
以观赏到。

作曲家写完了一部作品，
得由

演奏者将其演奏出来，其他人才能得以欣< br>赏。
因为作曲家是如此完全地依赖于职业歌
手和职

业演奏者，所以职业歌手和职业演
奏者肩上的担子可谓不轻。

一名学音乐的学生要想成为

一名演奏者，
需要经受长期的、
严格的 训练，
就象一名医
科的学生要成为一名医生一样。

绝

大多数
的训练是技巧性的。

音乐家们控制肌肉的熟练程度，
必须达到与
运动员或巴蕾舞演

员相当的水平。

歌手
们每天都练习吊嗓子，
因为如果不能有效地
控制肌肉的话，他们的声

带将不能满足演唱的要求。

弦乐器的演奏
者练习的则是在左手的手指上下滑动的同
时，用

右 手前后拉动琴弓
--
两个截然不同的动作。
歌手和乐器演奏者必须使所有的音符完全< br>相同协

调。

钢琴家们则不用操这份心，
因
为每个音符都已在那里等待着他们了。

给钢琴调音是调

音师的职责。

但调音师们
也有他们的难处：

他们必须耐心地调理敲
击琴弦的音锤，不能让

音锤发出的声音象是打击乐 器，
而且每个交
叠的音都必须要清晰。
如何得到乐章清晰的
纹理

是学生指挥们所面临的难题：
他们必须学会
了解音乐中的每一个音及其发音之道。
他
start
们还

of school, and one that should be an
必须致力于以热忱而又客观的权威去控制
integral part of one's entire life.
这些音符。
除非是和音乐方面的知识和悟性
Schooling,
on
the
other
hand,
is
a
结合起

来，单纯的技巧没有任何用处。

specific, formalized process, whose
艺术家之所以伟大在于他们对音乐语言驾
general pattern varies little from
轻就熟，以致于

可以满怀喜悦地演出写于
one
setting to the next.
任何时代的作品。

Throughout

a

country,

children
>02 Schooling and Education
arrive at school at approximately
It is commonly believed in the United
the same time, take assigned
seats,
States that school is where people
are taught by an adult, use similar
go to get an education. Nevertheless,
it has been said that today
children
interrupt
their education
to
go to school. The distinction
between schooling and
education
implied by this remark is important.
Education is much more open-ended and
all- inclusive than schooling.
Education knows no bounds. It can take
place anywhere, whether in the
shower
or
in
the
job,
whether
in
a
kitchen or on a tractor. It includes
both the formal
learning that takes
place in schools and the whole
universe
of
informal
learning.
The
agents of education can range from a
revered grandparent to the

people debating politics on the radio,
from a child to a distinguished
scientist.
Whereas
schooling
has
a
certain
predictability, education quite often
produces
surprises.
A
chance
conversation
with
a
stranger
may
lead
a person
to
discover
how
little
is
known
of
other
religions. People are engaged in
education from infancy on. Education,
then, is a very broad, inclusive
term.
It
is
a
lifelong
process,
a
process
that
starts
long
before
the
textbooks,
do
homework,
take
exams,
and
so on. The slices of reality
that
are
to
be
learned,
whether
they
are
the
alphabet or an understanding of the
workings of government, have
usually
been limited by the boundaries of the
subject
being
taught.
For
example,
high
school students know that
they are
not
likely
to
find
out
in
their
classes
the truth about political problems
in their communities or what
the
newest
filmmakers
are
experimenting
with.
There
are
definite
conditions
surrounding the formalized process of


schooling.
上学与受教育

在美国，人们通常认为上学是为了受教育。

而现在却有人认为孩子们上学打断了他们

受教育的过程。

这种观念中的上学与受教
育之间的区别非常重要。

与上学相比，教育更具

开放性，内容更广
泛。

教育不受任何限制。

它可以在任何
场合下进行，在淋浴时，在工作

时，在厨
房里或拖拉机上。

它既包括在学校所受的正规教育，
也包括一
切非正规教育。

传

授知识的人可以是德
高望重的老者，
可以是收音机里进行政治辩
论的人们，可以是小孩子，

也可以是知名的科学家。

上学读书多少有
点可预见性，而教育往往能带来意外的发
现。

与

陌生人的一次随意谈话可能会使人
price is an amount
of
money
paid
by
the
认识到自己对其它宗教其实所知甚少。

buyer to the seller of a product or
人们从幼时起就

开始受教育。

因此，教
service or, in
other
words,

that
育是一个内涵很丰富的词，
它自始至终伴随
price is the money value of a
人的一生，早在人们上

学之前就开始了。

product

or

service

as

agreed
教育应成为人生命中不可缺少的一部分。
然
upon in a market transaction. This
而，
上学却是一个特定的形

式化了的过程。

definition is, of course, valid as far
在不同场合下，它的基本形式大同小异。

as it goes. For a complete
在全国各地，孩子们几乎在同一

时刻到达学校，
坐在指定的座位上，
由一位
成年人传授知识，
使用大致相同的 教材，
做
作业，

考试等等。

他们所学的现实生活中的一些片断，
如字母
表或政府的运作，往往受到科目范

围的限
制。

例如，
高中生们知道，
在课堂上他们没法 弄
清楚他们社区里政治问题的真情，

也不会
了解到最新潮的电影制片人在做哪些尝试。

学校教育这一形式化的过程是有特定的

限
制的。

>03 The Definition of
Prices
determine
how
resources
are
to
be
used. They are also the means by
which products and services that are
in limited supply are rationed among
buyers. The price system of the United
States is a complex network composed
of the
prices
of
all
the
products
bought
and sold in the economy as
well

as

those

of

a

myriad

of
services, including labor,
professional,
transportation,
and
public-utility services. The
interrelationships of all these prices
make
up the

particular product or service is
linked
to
a
broad,
complicated
system
of
prices in which everything seems
to depend more or less upon everything
else. If one were to ask a group
of randomly selected individuals to
define
understanding
of
a
price
in
any
particular
transaction,
much

more
than
the amount
of money
involved
must
be
known. Both the buyer and the seller
should be familiar with not only the
money amount,
but with the amount and
quality
of
the
product
or
service
to
be
exchanged, the time and place at
which the exchange will take place and
payment will be made, the form of
money to be used, the credit terms and
discounts that apply to the
transaction, guarantees on the product
or service, delivery terms, return
privileges,
and
other
factors.
In

other words, both buyer and seller
should
be
fully
aware
of

all
the
factors
that
comprise
the
total


being
exchanged for the asked-for amount of
money in order that they may
evaluate a given price.

价格

的定义

价格决定资源的使用方式。

价格也是有限的产品与服务在买方中的配
给

手段。

美国的价格系统是复杂的网状系统，
包括经
济生活中一切产品买卖的价格，也包括
< br>名
目繁多的各种服务，
诸如劳动力、
专职人员、
交通运输、公共事业等 服务的价格。

所有

这些价格的内在联系构成了价格系
统。

任何一种个别产品或服务的价格都与
这个庞大而复

杂的系统密切相关，< br>而且或多或少地受到系
统中其它成份的制约。如果随机挑选一群
electricity . As the heart beats,
人，问

it sends out pulses of record; they
问他们如何定义

价格

，
许多人会回答价格
form
an electrocardiogram, which a
就是根据卖方提供的产品或服务，
买方向其
doctor
can
study

to
determine

how
付出

的钱数。

well the heart is working. The brain,
换句话说，
价格就是市场交易中大家认同的
too, sends
out
brain
waves
of
产品或服务的货币量。

该定义就其本

身来
electricity,
which
can
be
recorded
in
an
说自有其道理。

electroencephalogram.

The
electric
但要获得对价格在任何一桩交易中的完整
currents generated
by most living
认识，就必须考虑到大量

非货币

因素的
cells are extremely small -- often so
影响。

买卖双方不但要清楚交易中的钱数，
small that sensitive instruments are
而且要非常熟悉交易物的质量和

数量，交易的时间、
地点，
采用哪种形式付
款，
有怎样的缓付和优惠，
对交易物的质量
保证、

交货条款、退赔权利等等。

也就是说，
为了能估算索价，
买卖双方必须
通晓构成交易物价

格的通盘细节。

>04 Electricity
The
modern
age
is
an
age
of
electricity.
People are so used to electric
lights,
radio,
televisions,
and
telephones
that it is hard to imagine
what
life would be like without them. When
there is a power failure, people
grope about in
flickering
candlelight,
cars hesitate in the streets because
there are no traffic lights to guide
them, and food spoils in silent
refrigerators.

Yet,
people
began
to
understand
how
electricity works only a little more
than two centuries
ago. Nature has
apparently
been
experimenting
in
this
field
for
millions of
years. Scientists are discovering more
and more that
the living world may
hold
many
interesting
secrets
of
electricity
that
could
benefit
humanity.
All
living
cells
send
out
tiny
pulses
of
needed to record them.
But
in
some
animals, certain muscle cells have
become
so
specialized
as
electrical
generators that they do not work as
muscle
cells

at

all.
When

large
numbers of these cells are linked
together,
the

effects
can

be
astonishing.
The electric eel is an amazing storage
battery. It can send a jolt of as
much
as
eight
hundred
volts
of
electricity
through

the
water
in
which it
lives. (An electric house current is
only one hundred twenty volts.) As
many as
four-fifths

of
all

the
cells in the electric eel's body are
specialized
for
generating
electricity,
and the
strength of the shock it
can deliver corresponds roughly to the
length of its body.
电

当今时代是电气时代。

人们对电灯、
收音机、
电视和电话早已司空见惯以致很难
想

象没有它们生活会变成什么样。

当停电时，
人们在摇曳不定的烛光下暗中摸
索；

因没有红

绿灯的指示，
汽车在道路上
迟疑不前；
冰箱也停止工作，
导致食物变 质。
人们只是在两个世

纪前一点才开始了解电的使用原理，
自然界
却显然在这方面经历过了数百万年。

科学
家不

断发现许多 生物世界里可能有益于人类的
关于电的有趣秘密。
所有生物细胞都会发出
of ritual also argue that those
微小的

电脉冲。

rites
contained
the
seed of theater
当心脏跳动时，
把它发出的脉冲记录下来就
because music, dance, masks,
成了心电图，这可让医生了解心脏的

工作
and

costumes

were

almost

always
状况。
大脑也发出脑电波，
这可在脑电图上
used. Furthermore, a suitable site had
记录下来。

to
be
provided
for
performances
and
when
许多生物细胞发出的电流都是

极微小的，
the entire community
小到要用灵敏仪器才能记录和测量。

但一
did

not

participate,

a

clear
些动物的某些肌肉细胞能转化成一个

个发
division was usually made between
电机，以致完全失去肌肉细胞的功能。


这种细胞大量地连接在一起时产生的效果
将是

非常令人吃惊的。电鳗就是一种令人
惊异的蓄电池。

它可以在水中发出相当于

800
伏特电

压电流
(
家庭用户的电压只有
120
伏
特
)
。

在电鳗的身体里，多至五分之四的
细胞都专门用

来发电，而且发出的电流的
强度大约和它身体的长度成正比。

>05 The Beginning of Drama
There
are
many
theories

about
the
beginning of drama in ancient Greece.
The one most widely accepted today is
based on the assumption that drama
evolved from ritual. The argument for
this view goes as follows. In the
beginning,
human
beings
viewed
the
natural forces of the world - even the
seasonal
changes
-
as
unpredictable,
and they sought through various means
to
control

these

unknown

and
feared

powers.

Those

measures
which
appeared

to

bring



the
desired
results
were
then
retained
and
repeated
until
they
hardened
into
fixed
rituals.
Eventually stories
arose which
explained
or
veiled
the
mysteries
of
the
rites. As time passed some rituals
were abandoned, but the stories,
later
called
myths,
persisted
and
provided
material for art and drama.
Those
who
believe
that
drama
evolved
out
the


In

addition,

there
were performers, and, since
considerable

importance

was
attached to avoiding mistakes in the
enactment of rites, religious leaders
usually assumed that task. Wearing
masks
and
costumes,
they
often
impersonated other people, animals,
or
supernatural
beings,
and
mimed
the
desired effect -- success in hunt or
battle,
the
coming
rain,
the
revival
of
the Sun -- as an actor might.
Eventually such
dramatic
representations
were
separated
from
religious
activities.
Another
theory
traces
the
theater's
origin from the human interest in
storytelling.
According
to
this
view
tales (about the hunt, war, or other
feats)
are
gradually
elaborated,
at
first
through
the
use
of
impersonation,
action,
and
dialogue
by
a
narrator
and
then through the assumption of each
of the roles by a different person. A
closely
related
theory
traces
theater
to
those
dances
that
are

primarily
rhythmical



and

gymnastic

or
that
are

imitations



of

animal
movements and sounds.
戏剧的起源

关于古希腊戏剧的起源存在
着多种理论，
其中一个最 普遍为人接受的理
论

假设认为戏剧从仪式演化而来。

这个观点是这样进行论证的：
一开始，
人类
把世界上的自

然力量，甚至季节的变化都
看成是不可预料的。

他们试图通过各种方
式去控制这些未知的、

令人恐惧的力量。

那些似乎带来了满意结
果的手段就被保留下来并且重复直到这些
手段固

化为不变的仪式，最后产生了能够
解释或者掩盖这些仪式神秘性的故事。

随着时间的推移，

一些仪式被废弃了，但
这些后来被称作神话的故事流传下 来并且
为艺术和戏剧提供了素材。

认为戏剧从仪式演化而来的人们还认为那
些仪式包含了戏剧的基本因素，因为音乐、
舞蹈、

面具和服装几乎经常被使用，
而且，
必须为
演出提供一个合适的地点；
如果不是整个社
区共

同参加演出，
经常在

演出区

和

观众< br>席

之间划分出明显的分界。

另外，仪式中还有演员，

而且宗教领袖通
常承担演出任务，
因为在仪式的执行中避免
错误的发生被认为 有相当大的重

要性；
他们经常带着面具，
穿着服装象演员
那样扮 演其它人、
动物或超自然的生灵，
用
动作

来表演以达到所需要的 效果，
比如打猎的成
功或战斗的胜利、将至的雨、太阳的复活。

最

后这些戏剧性的表演从宗教活动中分离
了出来。

另一个追溯戏剧起源的理论认为它来自人

们对叙述故事的兴趣。

根据这个观点，
故
事
(
关于狩猎、
战争或者其它伟绩
)< br>是逐渐丰
富起

来的。

首先通过一个讲解人来运用模仿、
表演和对
话，然后再由不同的人扮演各自的角色；

另一个与之紧密相关的 理论将戏剧的起源
追溯至舞蹈，
这些舞蹈大体上是有节奏感的
和体操

式的那一类，或者是对动物动作和
声音的模仿。




>06 Television
Television -- the most pervasive and
persuasive of modern technologies,
marked
by
rapid
change
and growth
--
is

moving into a new era, an era
of
extraordinary
sophistication

and
versatility, which promises to reshape
our lives
and
our
world.
It
is
an
electronic revolution of sorts, made
possible by the marriage of television
and computer
technologies.
The
word

derived
from
its
Greek (tele: distant) and Latin
(visio: sight) roots, can literally be

interpreted as sight from a
distance. Very simply put, it works in
this way: through a sophisticated
system of electronics, television
provides the capability of
converting an image
(focused
on a
special
photoconductive
plate within a camera) into
electronic impulses, which can be sent
through a wire or cable. These
impulses,
when
fed
into
a
receiver
(television set), can then be
electronically reconstituted
into
that same image.
Television
is
more
than
just
an
electronic
system,
however.
It
is
a
means
of
expression,
as
well
as
a
vehicle
for

communication, and as such becomes
a
powerful
tool
for
reaching
other
human
beings.
The field of television can be
divided into two categories
determined

by

its

means

of
transmission.
First,
there
is
broadcast
television,
which
reaches
the
masses
through broad- based airwave
transmission of television signals.
Second, there is nonbroadcast
television,

which
provides
for
the
成了一个对其他人发生影响的强大工具。
电
needs of individuals or specific
视这

个领域可以根据其发射方式分为两
interest groups
through
controlled
类。

transmission techniques.
第一类为广播电视，
通过电视信号的宽带无
Traditionally, television has been
线电波

发射展现在大众面前；第二类为非
a medium of the masses. We are
广播电视，
使用受控的发射技术来满足个人
most

familiar

with
broadcast
以及某些特殊

television because
it has been with
利益群体的需要。电视早已成为大众媒介。

us for
我们熟悉广播电视，
因为广播电视已经以类
about
thirty- seven
years
in
a
form
似

目前的方式存在了大约
37
年。

similar to what exists today. During
在那些年头中，电视绝大部分一直由
ABC
、
those
years,
it
has
been
controlled,
for
the most part, by the broadcast
networks, ABC, NBC, and CBS, who have
been the major purveyors of news,
information, and entertainment. These
giants of broadcasting have actually
shaped

not

only

television

but

our
perception
of
it
as
well.
We
have
come to look upon the picture tube as a
source of entertainment, placing
our
role
in
this
dynamic
medium
as
the
passive viewer.
电视电视
--
以快速变化与发展为标志的最
普遍、
最具有影响力的一项现代技术，
正在
步

入一个极端复杂化与多样化的新时代。

这个时代承诺重新塑造我们的生活和我们
的世界。

这可以称得上是又一次电 子革命，
其关键在于电视技术与计算机技术的结合。

电视

这个词
来源于希腊语词根
(tele
：
远
)
和拉丁语词根
(vision
：
景象
)
，
可以从字面上理解为来自
远处的

景象。

简单说来，
电视是以这种方式工作的，通过
一个复杂的电子系统，电视能够将一幅

图像
(
这幅图像 被聚焦在一部摄像机内的一
块特殊的光导底片上
)
转换成能经过导线或
电缆< br>
发送出去的电子脉冲信号。

当这些电子脉冲信号被输入一部接收机(
电
视机
)
时，
就可以用

电子学的方法把脉 冲信
号重新恢复成同一幅图像。
但是，
电视不仅
仅是一个电子系统，它还
是一种表达工具和传播渠道。

因此，
电视
NBC
、
CBS
这

些广播 电视公司控制着，
这些
广播电视公司一直是新闻、
信息和娱乐的主
要提供者。

这些

广播业的巨头实际上不仅塑造了电视，
而且
也塑造了我们对电视的理解。

我们渐渐把
显像

管看作是娱乐的来源，让自己成为这
个生动的媒介的被动观众。

>07 Andrew Carnegie
Andrew Carnegie, known as the King of
Steel, built the steel industry in
the
United
States,
and,
in
the
process,

became one of the wealthiest men in
America. His success resulted in part
from his ability to sell the product
and
in
part
from
his
policy
of
expanding during periods of economic
decline, when most of his competitors
were reducing their investments.
Carnegie believed that individuals
should progress through hard
work,
but
he also
felt strongly
that the wealthy
should use their
fortunes
for
the
benefit
of
society.
He
opposed charity, preferring
instead to provide educational
opportunities that would allow
others to help
themselves.
who
dies rich, dies disgraced,

often said.

Among
his
more
noteworthy
contributions
to society are those that bear his
name, including
解的

卡内基国际和平基金

，
为科学研究提
the Carnegie Institute of Pittsburgh,
供经费的华盛顿卡内基学院以及给各种艺
which has a library, a museum of fine
术活动

arts,
and
a
museum
of
national
history.
提供活动中心的卡内基音乐厅。
安德鲁·
卡
He also founded a school of
内基的慷慨大度几乎影响到每个美国人的
technology
that
is
now
part
of
生活。

由于他超过五百万美元的捐款，
2500
Carnegie-Mellon University. Other
个图书馆得以建立起来，
遍布在美国各地的
philanthropic
gifts

are
the
小村镇，

形成了我们今天还在享用的公共
Carnegie Endowment
for
International
图书馆系统的核心。

Peace
>08 American Revolution
to
promote
understanding
between
The
American
Revolution
was
not
a
nations, the Carnegie Institute of
Washington
to
fund
scientific
research,
and Carnegie Hall to provide a
center for the arts.
Few Americans have been left untouched
by Andrew Carnegie's generosity. His
contributions
of
more
than
five
million
dollars established 2,500 libraries
in
small
communities
throughout
the
country and formed the nucleus of the


public
library
system
that
we
all
enjoy
today.
安德鲁·卡内基

被称作钢铁大王的安德
鲁·卡内基在美国建立了钢铁工业。

在这
个过

程中，
他变成了美国最富有的人之一。

他的成功，部分来自于他销售产品的能力，
部分来

自于经济萧条时期的扩充策略。

在萧条时期，他的多数对手都在缩减投资。
卡内基认为个

人应该通过努力 工作来获得进展，
但他也强
烈地感到有钱人应该运用他们的财富来为
社会谋

取福利。

他反对施舍救济，更愿
意提供教育机会，使别人自立。

卡内基经常说：

富有着

死去的人死得可
耻。
他对社会的较重要的贡献都以他的名
字命名。

这些贡献包括匹兹堡卡

内基学
校。

这个学校有一个图书馆，
一个美术馆和一个
国家历史博物馆；他还创立了一所

技术学
校，这所学校现在是卡内基

梅隆大学的
一部分；
其他的慈善捐赠有为促进国家间了

revolution
in
the
sense
of
a
radical
or
total
change.
It
was
not

a

sudden
and
violent overturning of the
political

and

social

framework,
such as later occurred in France
and

Russia,

when

both



were
already independent nations.
Significant
changes

were

ushered
in, but they were not
breathtaking.

What


happened

was
accelerated evolution rather than
outright
revolution.
During
the
conflict itself people went on

working and
praying, marrying and playing. Most of
them were not seriously disturbed by
the actual fighting, and
many
of
the
more isolated communities scarcely
knew that a war was on. America's War
of Independence heralded the birth of
three modern nations. One was Canada,
which received its first
large
influx of English-speaking population
from the thousands of loyalists who
fled
there
from
the
United
States.

Another was Australia, which became
a
penal colony now that America was no
longer available for prisoners and

debtors.
The
third
newcomer
--
the
United States -- based itself squarely
on republican principles.
Yet
even
the
political
overturn
was
not
that grows more rapidly than its
so revolutionary as one might
already
developed
interior,
the
process
suppose.
In
some
states,
notably

of suburbanization began during the
Connecticut



and

Rhode

Island,
emergence
of
the
industrial
city
in
the
the
second quarter of the nineteenth
war

largely

ratified

a

colonial
century.
Before
that
period
the
city
was
self-rule already existing. British
a small highly compact cluster in
officials, everywhere
ousted,
were
which people moved about on foot and
replaced by a home-grown governing

goods
were
conveyed
by
horse
and
class, which promptly
sought a local
cart.
substitute for king and Parliament.
美国革命

美国革命其实并不算是一场革
命，因为它并未导致完全的和彻底的变化。
这

次革命并不是对政治和社会框架的一次突
然和猛烈的颠覆，
象后来在已经是独立国家< br>的法国

和俄国所爆发的革命那样。

革命带来了重大的变化，但并非翻天覆地，
所发生的只是进化

的加速，而不 是一场彻
底的革命；
在冲突期间，
人们仍然上班、
做
礼拜、结婚、玩 耍。

多

数人并没有受到实际战斗的严重影响。

许
多较闭塞的社区对这场战争几乎一无所知。
美国

独立战争宣布了三个现代国家的诞
生，其中一个是加拿大。

加拿大的第一大批讲英语的流

入人口来自
于成千上万英王的效忠者，

这些人从美国
逃到了加拿大。

另一个国家是澳大利

亚 ，
因为美国不再是容纳罪犯和欠债者的国
度了，
澳大利亚就变成了一个惩治罪犯的殖< br>民地

(
注：独立战争前，英国政府将罪犯流放到
美国
)
。

第三个国家就是美国，它完全建
立在共

和原则基础上。
即使政治上的颠覆也不如人
们可能想象的那样具有革命性。

在一些
州，特

别是康涅狄格和罗德岛，战争基本
上只是承认了已经存在的殖民地的自治。


四处被驱逐的

英国官员都被本土的统治
阶级所替代，
这 个统治阶级迅速地以地方权
力机关来替代国王和议

会。

>09 Suburbanization
If
by

is
meant
an
urban
margin
But the early factories built in
the 1830's and 1840's were
located along waterways and near
railheads at the edges of cities,
and
housing
was
needed
for
the
thousands
of people drawn by the prospect of
employment.
In
time,
the
factories
were
surrounded by proliferating mill
towns
of
apartments

and



row
houses

that

abutted

the

older,
main
cities.

As

a

defense

against
this encroachment and to enlarge their
tax
bases,
the
cities
appropriated
their industrial neighbors. In
1854, for example, the city of
Philadelphia annexed
most of
Philadelphia

County.

Similar
municipal
maneuvers
took
place
in
Chicago
and
in
New
York.
Indeed,
most
great

cities
of
the
United
States
achieved
such status only by incorporating the
communities along their borders.
With
the acceleration
of
industrial
growth came acute urban crowding and
accompanying
social
stress
--
conditions
that
began
to
approach
disastrous
proportions when, in 1888, the first
commercially successful electric
traction line

was

developed.
Within


a

few

years


the

horse-drawn
内，
马车就被废弃了，
电车网相互交织连接
trolleys
were

retired
and
electric
着各个重要的城区，
从而形成了一种郊区化
streetcar networks
crisscrossed and
的潮

流，即密集的工业城市转变成了分散
connected every major urban area,
的都市。

fostering a wave of
此时城市中产阶级的出现进一步加强了第
suburbanization

that

transformed
一

波大规模郊区化。

这些中产阶级希望
the compact industrial city into a
在远离老旧城市的地区拥有住宅，
单一家庭
dispersed

first phase
住宅地区

的开发者满足了他们的愿望。

of mass-scale suburbanization was
>10 Types of Speech
reinforced

by

the

simultaneous
Standard usage includes those words
emergence of the urban Middle
Class,

whose

desires

for
homeownership
in
neighborhoods
far
from
the

aging inner city were satisfied by the
developers of single-family housing
tracts.
郊区的发展

如果

郊区

指的是比已建好
的城市内部发展更为迅速的城市边 缘地带，
那

么郊区化可以说始于
1825
年至
1850
年工业化城市出现期间。


在这之前，城市只是高度密

集的小聚居
群。

在其中，
人们步行走动，
商品靠马车
来运送。

但是建于
18
世纪三四十年

代的早期工厂位于城边的航道和 铁路附近，
被工作机会吸引到这里的成千上万的人们
需要住

房。

渐渐地，在与旧有的主要城区相毗邻的地
方，
不断涌现出由排房和公寓楼组成的工人< br>
聚居区，
包围了工厂。
作为对这种侵蚀的自
卫，
也为了扩 大它们收税的地域范围，
城市
吞并

了工业化的临近地带，比如
1854
年费城的城区就兼并了费县的绝大部分地
区。

相似的城市

化也发生在芝加哥和纽
约。

今天很多美国的大城市其实就是靠吞
并它们附近的边缘地区而

变成大都会 的。
随着工业化的加速发展，
城
市里出现了严重拥挤和相伴而来的社会压
力。

当


1888
年第一条商业上成功的电气化铁轨被
制造出来时，压力开始接近危机的程度。

几年之

and expressions understood, used,
and
accepted
by
a
majority
of
the
speakers
of
a
language
in
any
situation
regardless
of
the
level
of
formality.
As
such, these words and expressions
are well defined
and
listed
in
standard
dictionaries. Colloquialisms, on
the other hand, are familiar words and
idioms that are understood by almost
all speakers of a language and used in
informal speech or writing, but not
considered
appropriate
for
more
formal
situations.
Almost
all
idiomatic
expressions
are
colloquial
language.
Slang, however,
refers to words and
expressions
understood
by
a
large
number of speakers but not accepted as
good,
formal
usage

by



the
majority.

Colloquial

expressions
and
even

slang

may

be

found

in
standard dictionaries but will be so


identified. Both colloquial usage and
slang are more common in speech
than in writing.
Colloquial
speech often passes into
standard speech. Some slang also
passes into standard speech, but other
slang expressions enjoy momentary
popularity
followed
by
obscurity.
In
some cases, the majority never accepts
certain slang

phrases
but
nevertheless
retains
them
in

their
词和短

语；俗语甚至俚语都可能在标准字
collective
典中查到，但是字典中会标明它们的性质。

memories.
Every
generation
seems
to

俗语和俚语

词汇的应用都是口头较多、
笔
require its own set of words to
头较少。俗语用法经常地被接受为标准用
describe familiar objects and events.
法。

一些俚语也变

It has been pointed out by a number of
成了标准用法，
但另外一些俚语只经历了短
linguists that three cultural
暂的流行，
而后就被弃之不用了。

有时候，
conditions
are
necessary
for
the
多

数人从来不接受某些俚语，但是他们把
creation of a large body of slang
这些俚语保存到集中记忆中。

expressions.
First,
the
introduction
每一代人似乎都需要

独有的一套词汇来描
and acceptance of new objects and
述熟知的物体和事件。

很多语言学家指
situations in the society; second,
出，大量俚语的形成需要三个

a diverse population with a
文化条件：
第一，
对社会中新事物的引入和
large

number

of
subgroups;
third,
接受；
第二，
一个由大量子群构成的多样化
association
among
the
subgroups
and
人口；


the
第三，
各子群与多数人口之间的联系。
最后
majority population.
需要提到的是，

标准语

、

俗语

和

俚语

Finally, it is worth noting that the
这些

术语只是对研究语言的专家才有用的
terms
抽象标签。


不论何种语言，只会有很小一部分使用者


for
scholars
who
study
language.
能够意识到他们是在使用俗语或俚语。

讲
Only
英语的多数人能够在适当的场合中选择使
a tiny number of the speakers of any
用所有

这三种语言类型。

language will be aware that they are
>11 Archaeology


Archaeology
is
a
source
of
history,
not
using colloquial or slang expressions.
just a humble auxiliary discipline.
Most speakers of English will,
Archaeological
data
are
historical
during appropriate situations, select

documents in their
own right, not
and use all three types of
mere
expressions.
illustrations
to
written
texts.
Just
as
语言的类型

标准用法包括那些为使用这
much as any other historian, an

种语言的大多数人在任何场合下理解、
使用
archaeologist
studies
and
tries
to
和

接受的词和短语，而不论该场合是否正
reconstitute the process that has
式。

created
the
human
world
in
which
we
live
这些词和短语的意义已很确定并被列入了
-- and us ourselves in so far as
标准

词典中。

相反，俗语是指那些几乎
we are each creatures of our age and
所有讲这种语言的人都理解并在非正式的
social environment. Archaeological
口头或书面中

data are all
changes
in
the
使用，
却不适用于更正规的一些场合的词和
material
world
resulting
from
human
短语。

几乎所有的习惯用语都属于俗语，
action or,
而俚

more
succinctly,
the
fossilized
results
语指的是为很多讲这种语言的人理解但大
of human behavior. The sum total of
多数人不把它们列入好的、
正式用法之内的
these
constitutes
what
may
be
called
the
archaeological record. This record
good deal of the gap.
exhibits certain peculiarities and
考古学

deficiencies the consequences of
考古学是历史学的一个来源，
而不是地位卑
which

produce

a

rather
微的辅助学科。

考古学资料本身也是一种

superficial
contrast
between
历史文献，而不仅仅是文字资料的例证。


archaeological
正象任何一位历史学家那样，
考古学家研究
history
and
the
more
familiar
kind
based
调查

并尽力去重构一个过程。

这个过程
upon written records.
创造了我们生活的人类世界，
也创造了我们
Not all human behavior fossilizes. The
自身，因为

words I utter and you hear as
我们都是我们所处的时代和社会环境的产
vibrations
in
the
air
are
certainly
物。

考古学的资料就是人类行为所造成的
human
changes in the material world
and
may
be
of
great
historical
significance.
Yet
they
leave
no
sort
of
trace in the
archaeological records
unless they are captured by a
dictaphone or written down by a clerk.
The movement of troops
on the
battlefield may
history,
ephemeral
from
the
archaeologist's

standpoint. What is perhaps worse,
most
organic
materials
are
perishable.
Everything
made of
wood,
hide, wool,


linen,
grass,
hair,
and
similar
materials
will
decay
and
vanish
in
dust
in
a few years or centuries, save under
very exceptional conditions. In a
relatively
brief
period
the
archaeological
record
is
reduced
to
mere scraps
of stone,
bone,
glass,
metal,
and
earthenware.
Still
modern
archaeology,
by
applying
appropriate
techniques
and

comparative methods, aided by a
few
lucky
finds
from
peat-bogs,
deserts,
and frozen soils, is able to fill up a


物质变

化。

更简洁地说，是石化了的人
类行为。

这些变化的总和构成了我们所说的考古学
记录。

这些记录自有其独特和不足 之处，
因而导致人们对考古历史和更熟悉的文字
记载历史进行相

当肤浅的对比。
并不是所有的人类行为都留
下化石。

我说的话，
你通过空气振动听见，
这

当然是人类造成的物质变化 ，
也可能有重大
的历史意义，
但这些话在考古学中未留下丝
毫痕

迹，除非有人用录音机录下来或文书
把这些话写了下来。

战场上军队的行动可能

改变历史

的进程

，但从考 古学的观点来看，这同样是难以
捕捉的；
可能更糟的是，
多数有机物质会

腐
烂。

任何由木头、生皮、绒线、亚麻、草、毛发
以及相似物质做成的东西除非在一些非
< br>常
特殊的条件下，
几年或几个世纪以后，
会在
尘土中腐烂并消失。
在短时期内，能留下考

古记录的东西也都
会退化为石头、
骨头、
玻璃、
金属和陶器的
碎片。

然而，现代考古学通

过运用适当的技术和比较的方法，在从泥
炭、
沙漠和冻土中所获得的一些幸运发现的
辅助下，

能够填充这个空缺的很大部分。

>12 Museums
From Boston to Los Angeles, from New
York City to Chicago to Dallas,
museums are either planning, building,
or wrapping up wholesale expansion
programs. These programs already have
哥、
到达拉斯，
所有的博物馆或者正在筹划、
radically altered facades and floor
建造或

plans or are expected to do so in the
者正在完成大规模的扩建计划。

这些计划
not-too- distant future.
或者已经根本性地改变了博物馆门面与展
In
New
York
City
alone,
six
major
厅的设

计，或者预期在不久的将来会这样
institutions
have
spread
up
and
out
into
做。

the air space and neighborhoods around
单单在纽约市，
六个主要机构或者已经向空

them or are preparing to do so.
中和周

围扩展，或者正准备这样做。大家
The
reasons
for
this
confluence

of
一致行动的原因是复杂多样的，
但其中的一
activity are complex, but one factor
个因素是普遍

考虑的空间问题。

is
a
consideration
everywhere
--
space.
随着收藏品的增多，
也随着博物馆的需要和

With collections expanding, with
功能的变化，空间已经变成

了一项非常珍
the
needs
and
functions
of
museums
贵的商品。
在我国，
也许没有任何其他地方
changing,
empty
space
has
become
a
very
比费城艺术博物馆更符合这个事实。



这个博物馆几十年来一直需要额外的空间，
precious commodity.
十年前进行了最后一次重大的翻新。

由于
Probably
nowhere
in
the
country
is
this
空间

more true than at the Philadelphia
紧缺，
该艺术博物馆在考虑购买与受赠艺术
Museum
of
Art,
which
has
needed
品已越来越谨慎，
有时甚至放弃增强艺术收

additional
space
for
decades
and
藏的

which
机会。
由于博物馆的空间问题，
将艺术品脱
received its last significant facelift
手或者说卖掉已经有了新的重要意义。

博
ten years ago. Because of the space
物馆

crunch,
the
Art
Museum
has
become
馆长们被迫巧妙轮换利用陈列馆的空间，
轮
increasingly cautious in considering
流着把一些艺术杰作向公众展出，
而把另一
acquisitions and donations of art,
些送

in some cases passing up
入存储室中。
虽然对额外的陈列室和存储室
opportunities

to
strengthen
its
空间需要很明显，
但据费城艺术博物馆经理
collections.
讲：

Deaccessing -- or selling off -- works

of art has taken on new importance

博物馆还没有在未来十五年打破这个束缚
because
of the
museum's
space
problems.
的计划。


And increasingly, curators have
>13 Skyscrapers and Environment
been
forced to
juggle gallery
space,
In the late 1960's, many people in
rotating one masterpiece into public
North America turned their attention
view
while
another
is
sent
to
storage.
to
environmental
problems,
and
new
Despite the clear need for additional

steel-and-glass
skyscrapers
were
gallery and storage space, however,
widely

museum
has
no
plan,
no
plan
to
criticized.
Ecologists
pointed
out
that

break
out
of
its
envelope
in
the
next
a cluster of tall buildings in a
fifteen
years,
according
to
city
often
overburdens
public
Philadelphia
Museum
of
Art's
president.
transportation
and
parking
lot
博物馆

从波士顿到洛杉机，从纽约到芝加
capacities.
Skyscrapers are also lavish consumers,
的负担。
摩天大楼还是电能的过度消费者与
and wasters, of electric power. In
浪费者。

最近的某一年，纽约市摩

one
recent
year,
the
addition
of
17
天写字楼
1
，
700
万英尺办公面积的增加使

million square feet of skyscraper
电能的最高日需求量提高了
120
，
000
千
office
space
in
New
York
City
raised
the
瓦。

这

peak daily demand for electricity
些电能足以供纽约的整个奥尔巴尼市使用
by 120,
000
kilowatts
--
enough
to
一天。玻璃表面的摩天大楼特别地浪费。

supply the entire city of Albany, New
通过半

York, for a day.
英寸的平板玻璃墙壁损失
(
或增加
)
的热量
Glass- walled
skyscrapers
can
be
是典型的加入绝缘板的石墙所允许的热量
especially wasteful. The heat loss (or
损失
(
或

增加
)
的十倍以上。

gain)
through
a
wall
of
half-inch
plate glass is more than ten times
that through a typical masonry wall
filled with insulation board. To
lessen
the
strain on heating and
air-conditioning equipment, builders
of
skyscrapers
have
begun
to
use
double-glazed panels of
glass,
and
reflective
glasses coated with silver or gold
mirror films that reduce glare
as well as heat gain. However,
mirror-walled skyscrapers raise the
temperature of the surrounding air and
affect neighboring buildings.
Skyscrapers put a severe strain on a
city's sanitation facilities, too. If
fully
occupied,
the
two
World
Trade

Center
towers
in
New
York
City
would
alone generate 2.25 million gallons of
raw sewage each year -- as much as a


city
the
size
of
Stanford,
Connecticut,
which has a population of more than
109, 000.
摩天大楼与环境

60
年代后期，
许多北美人把注意力转向了< br>环境问题，
那些崭新的玻璃钢摩天大楼受到

了广泛的批评。

生态学家指出，
城市中密集的高层建筑经常
给公共交通与停车场的承载能
< br>力造成过重
为了减轻取暖设备或空调设备的压力，
摩天
大楼的建造者们已经开始 使

用双面上釉的
玻璃镶板和涂上了金色或银色反光薄膜的
反光玻璃，来减少 强光照射和热量的

增加；
但是，
镜面的摩天大楼会提高周围空
气 的温度并会对附近的建筑物产生影响。
摩
天大

楼也对城市的卫生设施造成了沉重的
压力。

单单纽约市的二个世界贸易中心大楼如果
完全

被占满的话，每年就会产生
2
，
250
，
000
加仑的污水。

这相当于康涅狄格州的
斯坦福市这

样大的城市一年所产生的污水量，
而康州的
斯坦福市拥有
109
，
000
人口。

>14 A Rare Fossil Record
The
preservation
of
embryos
and
juveniles is a rate occurrence in the
fossil
record.
The
tiny,
delicate
skeletons
are usually scattered by
scavengers or destroyed by weathering
before they can be fossilized.
Ichthyosaurs had a higher

chance
of being preserved than did
terrestrial
creatures
because,
as
marine animals, they tended to live in


environments less subject to erosion.
Still, their fossilization required
a suite of factors: a slow rate of
decay of soft tissues, little
scavenging by other animals, a lack of
swift currents and waves to jumble
and carry away small
bones,

and
factors do not account for the
fairly rapid burial. Given these
interesting question of how there came
factors,

some

areas

have

become
to be such a
concentration of
a treasury of well- preserved

pregnant ichthyosaurs in a particular
ichthyosaur fossils.
place very close to their time of
The


deposits

at

Holzmaden,
giving birth.
Germany, present an interesting
罕见的化石记录

胚胎与幼体被保存下来
case
在化石记录中是少见的事情。
微小纤细的骨
for

analysis.

The
ichthyosaur
骼

通常在石化前就被食腐肉的动物拆散
remains are found in black,
bituminous
marine
shales
deposited
about
190
million years ago. Over the years,
thousands of specimens of
marine
reptiles, fish and invertebrates have
been
recovered
from
these
rocks.
The
quality
of preservation is
outstanding, but
what is even more
impressive
is
the number of ichthyosaur
fossils


containing


preserved
embryos.
Ichthyosaurs
with
embryos
have
been
reported
from
6
different
levels
of
the
shale
in
a
small
area
around
Holzmaden,
suggesting that a specific site
was
used

by
large
numbers

of
ichthyosaurs repeatedly over time. The
embryos are quite
advanced

in
their
physical development; their paddles,
for example, are already well formed.
One specimen is
even
preserved
in
the
birth
canal.
In
addition,
the
shale
contains the remains of many newborns
that
are
between
20
and
30
inches
long.
Why
are
there
so many
pregnant
females
and young at Holzmaden when they
are so rare elsewhere? The quality of

preservation
is
almost
unmatched
and
quarry operations have been carried
out carefully with an awareness of
the
value of the fossils. But these
了，或者被风化作用破坏掉了。

鱼龙比起陆地的动物

有更大 的几率被保存
下来，
因为它们作为海洋动物常生活在腐蚀
性较小的环境中。

但是它

们的石化需要一系列因素：
软组织的腐烂速
度缓慢，很少 被其他动物残食，缺少混杂、
冲走

小骨头的快速水流和波浪，以及相当
快地被掩埋。

当这些因素存在时，某些地区就会变成

一
个充满保存完好的鱼龙化石的宝库 。
在德国
获尔兹梅登，
那儿的沉积物给人们提出了一
个

有趣的分析案例。

人们在黑色的、
含沥青的海洋页岩中发现了
约
19
，
000
年前沉积下来的

鱼龙化石。

几年时间内，
在这些岩石中取得了数以千计
的海洋爬行动物、鱼类以及无脊椎

动物的
标本。

它们的保存质量非常的好，
但更令人称奇的
是保存下来的育有胚胎的鱼龙化

石数目。

在获尔兹梅登附近一个小地区的六个不同
的页岩层中分别发现了育有胚胎的鱼龙

化石。

这表明大量的鱼龙经年累月重复使
用一个特定的地点。

那些胚胎已经发育得
相当完

整了。

比如，它们的蹼桨已经完
全形成了。

有一个标本甚至被保存在产道中。

而且，
那

块页岩包含着很多在
20
到
30
英寸之
间的新生幼体的化石。
为什么在其他地方那
么稀少的怀

孕雌兽和幼体在获尔兹梅登却那么多呢
?
因为其保存质量几乎举世无双，
采集工作的
进行一

直是一丝不苟的。

大家都认识到这些化石的价值极其珍贵，
但
这些因素并不能解释这个有

趣的问题：

为什么在一个特定的地点会如此集中地出
highly praise, and as an elusive goal
现即将临产的怀孕鱼龙群呢
?
that writers seek. If for no
other
>15 The Nobel Academy
reason, the prize will continue to be
For the last 82 years, Sweden's Nobel
desirable for the financial rewards
Academy has decided who will receive
that
accompany
it;
not
only
is
the
the Nobel Prize in Literature, thereby

cash prize itself considerable, but

determining who will be elevated
it
from
the
great
and
the
near
great
to
the
also
dramatically
increases
sales
of
an
immortal. But today the Academy is
author's books.
coming under heavy criticism both from
诺贝尔委员会

the without and from within. Critics
过去的
82
年里，
瑞典的诺贝尔委员会决定
contend
that
the
selection
of
the
winners
often
has
less
to
do
with
true
writing ability than with the peculiar
internal politics of the Academy and
of Sweden itself. According to Ingmar
Bjorksten, the cultural editor for
one
of
the
country's
two
major
newspapers, the
prize
continues
to
represent

people
call
a
very
Swedish
exercise: reflecting Swedish tastes.
The
Academy
has
defended
itself
against
such charges of provincialism in its
selection
by
asserting
that
its

physical
distance
from
the
great
literary
capitals
of
the
world
actually
serves
to
protect the Academy from outside
influences. This may well be true,
but critics respond that this very
distance
may also be
responsible
for
the
Academy's inability to
perceive
accurately
authentic
trends
in
the literary world.

Regardless
of
concerns

over
the
selection
process,
however,
it
seems
that
the prize will
continue to survive both
as
an
indicator
of
the
literature
that
we
most
了谁将获得诺贝尔文学奖，
因此也就决定了

谁将从伟大或近乎伟大荣升为不朽。

但在今天，
该委员会却遭到了评选委员会内
外的猛烈

批评。

批评者们争论说：

评选
获奖者时，
起作 用更大的不是真实的写作能
力，而是该委员

会以及瑞典特有的内部政治。

按照瑞典两
家主要报纸之一的文化版编辑
Ingmar
Bjorksten
的说法，该文学奖仍然是

人们所说的一种
非 常瑞典式的做为：反映瑞典口味

。对于
其评选

过程中目光短浅的 指责，该委员会辩护说，
该委员会与世界几大文学之都相距遥远，
实
际上

使该委员会免受外来的干扰。

这也许是对的，
但批评者们反驳说，
也正因
为相距如此遥远，
该委员会才不能准确地
把握文学界的真正趋势。
尽管对评选程序存
在着关注，该文 学奖将继

续作为世人最为推崇的文学的标志而存在，
并将继续是作家们难以达到却 又会不断追
逐的目

标。

如果不考虑其他因素，
而仅 仅考虑与之俱来
的经济利益，该奖也将继续为人所渴求：

这不仅因为该奖本身就是 一笔可观的现金
收入，
而且该奖还将极大地增加一个作家的
著作的

销量。

>16 The War between Britain and
France
In
the
late
eighteenth
century,
battles
raged in almost every corner of
Europe, as well as in the Middle East,

South Africa, the West Indies, and
Britain would be fighting a defensive
Latin
America.
In
reality,
however,

war, allowing it to win with fewer
there was only one major war during
forces. Napoleon never lost sight
this
time,
the
war
between
Britain
and
of his goal, because Britain
France. All other battles were
represented the
last substantial
ancillary to this larger conflict, and
impediment
to
his
control
of
Europe.
As
were often
at least partially
his force neared that goal,
related to its antagonists' goals and
Napoleon
grew
increasingly
impatient
strategies. France sought total
and began planning an immediate
domination of Europe. This goal was
attack.
obstructed by British independence and
英法战争

Britain's
efforts
throughout
the
continent to thwart Napoleon; through
treaties, Britain
built coalitions
(not dissimilar in concept to
today's


NATO)

guaranteeing
British
participation
in
all
major
European
conflicts. These two antagonists were
poorly matched, insofar as they had
very
unequal
strengths:
France
was
predominant
on
land,
Britain
at
sea.
The
French
knew that,
short of
defeating
the
British navy, their only hope
of victory
was
to
close
all the
ports
of Europe to British ships.
Accordingly,
France
set
out
to
overcome
Britain by extending its military
domination from Moscow to Lisbon, from

Jutland to Calabria. All of this
entailed
tremendous

risk,
because
France did not have the military
resources to
control
this
much
territory and still protect itself and
maintain order at home.
French
strategists
calculated
that
a
navy of 150 ships would provide the
force necessary to defeat the British

navy.
Such
a
force
would
give
France
a three-to-two advantage over Britain.
This advantage was deemed necessary
because
of
Britain's
superior
sea
skills
and
technology,
and
also
because
在
18
世纪后期，
战争 爆发于欧洲大陆的几
乎每一个角落，
在中东、
南非、
西印度群岛、

拉丁美洲亦都是如此。

然而实际上，
在这一时期只有一场主要的战
争，那就是英法之间的

战争。

所有其他
战争都服从于这一更大的争端，
至少是与这两个对手的目标和战略有某些

关联。


法国力图统治整个欧洲，而英国的自主及
其力图在整个欧洲大陆挫败拿破仑的种种

努力都是法国实现这一目标的障碍。
英国通
过条约建立了联盟
(
和今 天北约的概念没有
什么

不同
)
以保证英国插手所有欧洲的主
要争端。

这两个对头并不是一对好对手，
因为他们的
力

量极不均衡：法兰西在陆地上称王，英
格兰则在海上称霸。

法国人明白，
如果不
能击败英

国海军，
他们胜利的唯一希望就是让欧洲的
所有港口都对英国舰船关闭。

于是，
法国
将其

军事占领从莫斯科延伸到里斯本，
从尤 特兰
延伸到卡拉布里亚，企图以此来制服英国。

所

有这些行 动包含着巨大的风险，
因为法国并
不具备足够的军事资源，来控制这么多地
盘，
同

时又能保护自己，
维持国内的秩序。
法国战略家们的算盘是，其海军若拥有

150
艘军舰，
则

将足以击跨英国海军。

这
样的武力将使法国对英国具有
3
比
2
的
优势。

这种优势被认为是

必不可少的，
因 为英国人具有超群的海上技
能和技术，
并且打的是一场防御战争，
使它
能以< br>
少胜多。

place to hide in the ocean.
拿破仑从未忘却他的目标，
因为英国是他统
Could it be that, rather than
治全欧的最后一个重大的障碍。

随着

他的
increasing an animal's
力量越来越靠近这个目标，
拿破仑变得越来
vulnerability,
the
function
of
sleep
is
越不耐烦起来，开始策划立即攻击。

to decrease it? Wilse
Webb of the
>17 Evolution of Sleep
University
of
Florida
and Ray Meddis
Sleep
is
very
ancient.
In
the
of London University have suggested
electroencephalographic
sense
we
share
this
to

be
the
case.
It
is
it

conceivable that animals who are
with
all
the
primates
and
almost
all
the
too stupid

other mammals and birds: it may
to
be quiet
on
their
own
initiative
are,
extend back as far as the reptiles.
There
is
some
evidence
that
the
two
types
of
sleep,
dreaming
and
dreamless,
depend
on
the
life-style
of
the
animal,
and that predators are
statistically
much
more
likely
to
dream
than prey, which are in turn much
more likely to experience
dreamless
sleep. In dream sleep, the animal is
powerfully immobilized and remarkably
unresponsive to

external
stimuli.
Dreamless
sleep is
much
shallower,
and
we have all witnessed cats or
dogs
cocking
their
ears
to
a
sound
when
apparently fast asleep. The fact
that
deep
dream
sleep
is
rare
among
prey
today seems clearly to be a

product
of
natural
selection, and it
makes sense that today, when sleep is
highly evolved, the stupid animals are

less frequently immobilized by
deep
sleep
than
the
smart
ones.
But
why
should they sleep deeply at all?
Why should
a
state
of
such

deep
immobilization
ever

have
evolved?
Perhaps
one
useful
hint
about
the
original
function of sleep is to be found in the
fact that dolphins and whales
and
aquatic
mammals
in
general
seem
to
sleep
very
little.
There
is,
by
and
large, no
during periods of high risk,
immobilized by the
implacable arm of
sleep. The point seems particularly
clear
for
the
young
of
predatory
animals.

This is an interesting notion and
probably at least partly true.
睡眠的进化

睡眠是古老的。

从脑电图上看，
我们人类
和所有灵长目动物以及几乎所有的哺乳动
物

和鸟类都一样需要睡眠；甚至爬行类动
物也有睡眠。

有证据显示，有梦睡眠和无梦睡眠这

两种类型的睡眠取决于该动物的生活方式。

从统计上看，
食肉动物比被捕食动物有更多
的

有梦睡眠，而被捕食动物更多地无梦睡
眠。

动物在有梦睡眠时，被有效地解除动作能
力，

并且对外界刺激缺乏反应。

无梦睡
眠则要浅得多。

我们都看到过猫和狗在显
然的酣睡中，

有一点响动耳朵就会竖起来。

被捕食动物
很少有深度的有梦睡眠，
这看来显然是自然
选择

的结果。

而且这一点是有道理的：
当睡眠高度进化以
后，愚笨 的动物比聪明的动物更少在

深度
睡眠状态下丧失动作能力。

但是动物为什么要进入深度睡眠呢
?
为什么
这样的无动作状

态也会进化出来呢
?
海
豚、
鲸鱼以及水生哺乳动物睡眠都极少，
这
一事实可以给睡眠的根本

功能提供有用的线索。

海洋中是没有藏身
之处的。

会不会是这样，睡眠不但不增加
动物受

伤害的可能性，反而是减少了这种
principle was that a university was
可能性呢
?
佛罗里达大学的
Wilse
to
Webb
和伦敦大学的
Ray Meddis
认为情况
create
knowledge
as
well
as
pass
it
on,
就是如此。

可以想像得出，
在危险的时刻，
and this called
for a faculty
那些由于太愚笨而不能自动保

composed
of

teacher-scholars.
持安静的动物，会不由自主地变得动弹不
Drilling

and

learning

by

rote
得。

这一点在食肉动物的幼兽身上表现得
were
特别明

显。

这是一个很有意思的看法，
replaced by the German method of
它至少部分是正确的。

lecturing, in which the professor's
>18 Modern American Universities
own research was presented
in class.
Before the 1850's, the United States
Graduate training leading to the
had a number of small colleges,
Ph.D.,

an

ancient

German

degree
most
of
them
dating
from
colonial
days.
signifying the highest level of
They
were small, church connected
advanced

scholarly
attainment,
was
institutions whose primary concern was
introduced. With the
establishment
to shape the moral character of
of
their students.
the seminar system, graduate students
Throughout
Europe,
institutions
of
learned to question, analyze, and
higher learning had developed, bearing
conduct their own research.
the
ancient
name
of
university.
In
At the same time, the new university

Germany
a
different
kind
of
greatly expanded in size and course
university
offerings, breaking completely out of
had
developed.
The
German
university
the
old, constricted curriculum of
was concerned primarily with
mathematics,
classics,
rhetoric,
and
creating



and

spreading
music. The president of Harvard
knowledge,


not

morals.

Between
pioneered the
elective
system,
by
midcentury
which
students
were
able
to
choose
their
and
the
end
of
the
1800's,
more
than
nine
own
courses
of
study.
The
notion
of
thousand young Americans,
major fields of
study
emerged.
The
dissatisfied
with
their
training
at
new
home, went to Germany for advanced
goal
was
to
make
the
university
relevant
study. Some
of
them
returned
to
become
to the real pursuits of the world.
presidents of venerable colleges --
Paying close
heed
to
the
practical
Harvard,
Yale,
Columbia
--
and
needs of society, the new
transform
them
into
modern
universities.
universities

trained

men

and

The
women

to

work

at

its

tasks,
new presidents broke all ties with the
with
churches and brought in a new kind
engineering
students
being
the
most
of faculty. Professors were hired for
characteristic of the new regime.
their knowledge of a subject, not
Students
were
also
trained
as
because they were of the proper faith
economists,



architects,
and had a strong arm for
agriculturalists,
disciplining
students.
The

new
social welfare workers, and teachers.
现代美国大学

>19 Children's Numerical Skills

People
appear
to
be
born
to
compute.
The
19
世纪
50
年代以前美国有一些小的学
numerical skills of children
院，
大多数成立于殖民时期。

它们是与教
develop
so
early
and
so
inexorably
that
会挂

it is easy to imagine an internal
钩的小机构，
主要目的是培养学生的道德品
clock of mathematical maturity guiding
行。

当时在欧洲各地，
高等教育机构已经
their growth. Not long after
发展

起来，
用的是一个古老的名称
--
大学。

learning to walk
and
talk,
they
can
德国已经发展出一种不同类型的大学。

德
国大学关

心的主要是创造知识和传播知
识，而不是道德教育。

从世纪中叶到世纪
末，有
9000
多名美

国青年因不满国内所受的教育而赴德深造。

他们中的一些人回国后成为一些知名学府
--
哈

佛、耶鲁、哥伦比亚的校长并且把这
些学府转变成了现代意义的大学。

新校长们断绝了和

教会的关系，聘请了新
型的教职员，
聘用教授根 据的是他们在学科
方面的知识，而不是正确

的信仰和约束学
生的强硬手段。

新的原则是大学既要传播知识也要创造知
识。

这就需要由

学者型老师组成教工队
伍。

靠死记硬背和做练习来学习的方法变
为德国式的讲解方法。

德

国式的讲解就是由教授讲授自己的研究课
题。

通过研究生性质的学习可以获得表明
最高学

术造诣的古老的德国学位
--
博士学
位。

随着讨论课制度的建立，
研究生们学会了提
问、分

析以及开展他们自己的研究。

同
时，
新式大学学校规模和课程设置完全突破
了过去那种只

有数学、
经典著作、
美学和音乐的狭窄课程
表。

哈佛大学的校长率先推出选课制度，
这样

学生们就能选择自己的专业。< br>主修领域的概
念也出现了。
新的目标是使大学对实际社会
更有

用。

密切关注着社会上的实际需求，
新的大学着
意培养学生解决问题的能力。

工程系学生

成为新式教育体制下最典型的学生。
学生们
还被培训 成为经济学家、建筑师、农学家、
社会

工作人员以及教师。

set the table with impressive accuracy
-- one knife, one spoon, one fork, for
each of the five
chairs. Soon they
are capable of noting that they have
placed five knives, spoons and forks
on
the
table
and,
a
bit
later,
that
this
amounts to fifteen pieces of
silverware.
Having

thus

mastered
addition,
they
move
on
to

subtraction.
It seems almost reasonable
to
expect
that if a child were secluded on a
desert island
at
birth and
retrieved
seven years later, he or she could
enter a second- grade mathematics class
without any serious problems of
intellectual adjustment.
Of course, the truth is not so simple.
This century, the work of cognitive
psychologists
has
illuminated

the
subtle
forms
of
daily
learning
on
which
intellectual

progress

depends.
Children were observed as they slowly
grasped --
or, as the case might be,
bumped into -- concepts that adults
take for granted, as they refused, for
instance, to
concede that quantity
is
unchanged
as
water
pours
from
a
short
stout glass into a tall thin one.
Psychologists have since demonstrated
that young children, asked to count
the pencils in a pile, readily report
the number of blue or
red pencils,
but
must
be
coaxed
into
finding
the
total.
Such
studies
have
suggested
that
the rudiments of
mathematics
are
基础是经过

逐渐努力后掌握的。

mastered
gradually,
and
with
effort.
他们还表示抽象的数字概念，
如可表示任何
They
一类物品并且是在做比摆

桌子有更高数学
have
also
suggested
that
the
very
要求的任何事时都必备的一、二、三意识，
concept of abstract
numbers
-
the
远远不是天生就具备的。

idea of

a oneness, a twoness, a threeness that
>20 The Historical Significance
applies to any class of objects and
of American Revolution
is a prerequisite for doing anything
The
ways
of
history
are
so
intricate
and
more mathematically demanding than
the motivations of human actions
setting a table - is itself far from
so complex that it is always hazardous
innate.
to attempt to represent events
儿童的数学能力

covering
a
number
of
years,
a
人似乎生来就会计算。

孩子们使用数字的
multiplicity of persons, and distant
技能发展得如此之早和如此必然，
很容易让

localities as the expression
of
one
人想象有一个内在的精确而成熟的数字钟
intellectual or social movement; yet
在指导他们的成长。

the
historical
process
which
culminated
孩子们在学会走路和说话后

不久，就能以
in the ascent of
Thomas Jefferson
令人惊叹的准确布置桌子
--
五把椅子前面
to
the
presidency
can
be
regarded
as
the
分别摆上一把刀、一个汤匙、一把叉

outstanding example not only of
子。

很快地，
他们就能知道他们已在桌面
the birth of a new way of life but of
上摆放了五把刀、
五个汤匙、
五把叉子。

没
nationalism as a new way of life. The
有多

久，他们就又能知道这些东西加起来
American
Revolution
represents
the
link
总共是
15
把银餐具。

between the seventeenth century,
如此这般地掌握了加法之后，他

们又转向
in
which
modern
England
became
减法。

有一种设想几乎顺理成章，
那就是，
conscious of itself, and the awakening
即使一个孩子一出生就被隔绝到荒岛

of
上，
七年后返回世间，
也能直接上小学二年
modern
Europe
at
the
end
of
the
级的数学课，
而不会碰到任何智力调整方面

eighteenth
century.
It
may
seem
的大

麻烦。当然，事实并没有这么简单。

strange
本世纪认知心理学家的工作已经揭示了智
that the march of history should have
力发展所依

赖的日常学习的微妙形式。

had to cross the Atlantic Ocean, but
他们观察到孩子们缓慢掌握那些成年人认


为理所当然的概念的

only
in
the
North
American
colonies
过程，
或者是孩子们偶然遇到这些概念的过
could
a
struggle
for
civic
liberty
lead
程。

他们也观察到孩子们拒绝承认某些常
also
to
the
foundation
of
a
new
nation.
识的

情况。

比如：

Here, in the popular rising against a
孩子们拒绝承认当水从短而粗的瓶中倒入

细而长的瓶子中时，水的数量没有

变化。

were more than the securing of a freer
心理学家们而后又展示一个例子，


constitution. They included the
即：
让孩子们数一堆铅笔时，
他们能顺利地
growth
of
a
nation
born
in
liberty
by
the
报出

蓝铅笔或红铅笔的数目，但却需诱导
will of the people, not from the
才能报出总的数目。

此类研究表明：
数学
roots of common descent, a geographic
entity, or the ambitions of king or
are
demonstrating
strong,
dynasty. With the American nation, for
transgenerational
and
transspecies
the first
time, a nation was born,
bonds with the
not
in
the
dim
past
of
history
but
before
universe of animals -
past, present,
the eyes of the whole world.
and future. Young animals,
美国革命的历史意义

历史的进程是如此错
particularly,
tumble,
chase,
run,
综复杂，人类行为的动机是如此令人费解，
wrestle,
mock,
imitate,
and
laugh(or
so
以至于想把那些时间跨

度大，
涉及人数多，
空间范围广的事件描述
成为一个智者或一场社会运动的表现的企
图是危

险的。
然而以托马斯·
杰弗逊登上总统宝座为高潮
的那一段历史过程可以被视为一个特殊

的
例子。

在这段历史时期里不仅诞生了新的生活方
式，而且民族主义成为了一种新的生活

方
式。

美国独立战争成为联结
17
世纪现代
英格兰的自我意识和
18
世纪末现代欧洲的觉醒

的纽带。

历史的
行程需要跨越大西洋，
这看起来似乎有些奇怪，但却只有在北美殖民地为

民权和自由
的斗争才能导致新国家的建立。

这里，
反对

暴政

的民众起义的成果不仅是
获

得一个包含更多自由的 宪法，还包括了
一个依照人民的意愿诞生在自由中的国家
的成长。这

个国家不是基于血缘、
地理、
君主或王朝的
野心。

由于有了美国，
第一次一个国家的
诞生

不是发生在历史模糊的过去，
而是在全世界
人们的眼前。

>21 The Origin of Sports
When did
sport
begin?
If
sport is,
in
essence, play, the claim might
be made that sport is much older than

humankind, for, as we all have
observed,
the
beasts
play.
Dogs
and
cats
wrestle and play ball games.
Fishes and birds dance. The apes
have simple, pleasurable games.
Frolicking
infants,
school
children
playing tag, and adult

arm
wrestlers
it
seems)
to
the
point
of
delighted
exhaustion. Their play, and ours,
appears to serve no other purpose than
to give pleasure to the players, and
apparently,
to
remove
us
temporarily
from the anguish of life in earnest.


Some
philosophers
have
claimed
that
our
playfulness is the most noble part
of our basic nature. In their generous

conceptions, play harmlessly and
experimentally permits us to
put our
creative forces, fantasy, and
imagination into
action.
Play
is
release
from
the
tedious
battles
against
scarcity
and
decline
which
are
the
incessant, and
inevitable,
tragedies of
life. This is a grand conception that
excites and provokes. The holders of
this
view
claim
that
the
origins
of
our
highest accomplishments - liturgy,
literature, and law
-
can
be
traced
to
a play impulse which, paradoxically,
we
see
most
purely
enjoyed
by
young
beasts and children. Our sports, in
this
rather
happy,



nonfatalistic
view of human nature, are more
splendid

creations

of

the
nondatable,
transspecies
play
impulse.
体育的起源

体育运动开始于何时
?
如 果体
育运动的本质就是游戏的话，
我们就可以宣
称体育运动比

人类古老，
因为正如我们所观察到的，
野兽
也进行嬉戏。

狗和猫会扭抱玩球，
鱼和鸟
翩翩

起舞，猿类会进行一些简单的、愉快
Interest in collectibles has increased
的游戏。

enormously during the past decade,
雀跃的幼儿，
捉迷藏的学童和成年摔跤者展

in part because some collectibles have
示出人与动物界的有力的跨越世代与物种
demonstrated their value as
的永恒的联系
--
特别是幼兽，它们翻筋斗、
investments. Especially during cycles
追逐、

of high inflation, investors try to
奔跑、扭打、模仿、嬉笑
(< br>或者看起来是
)
，
purchase
tangibles
that
will
at
直到愉快地精疲力尽。

他们的玩耍，
同我
们的

一样，
似乎并没有别的目的而只 是给游戏者
以愉悦，
暂时把我们从严肃生活的痛苦中拉
出来。

一些哲学家称我们的嬉戏是我们本
质中最崇高的部分。

依他们这些随意性很大的见解，游

戏无害
而且实验性地允许我们的创造力、
幻想和想
象发挥作用。

游戏让人们从永不间断亦

不可避免的生活悲剧
-
与乏匮和衰退进 行的
枯燥抗争中得到一种解脱。

这是一个令人
兴奋、

给人启发的伟大见解。

这种见解的持有者宣称，
我们的最高成就如
宗教典礼、文学、法律

的起源可以追溯到
游戏的冲动。

但令人不解的是我们看到只
有幼兽和小孩子才最纯粹地享

受着这种冲动。

从这种比较豁达和非宿命
的人性观来看，
我们的 运动是超时代、
跨物
种的

辉煌的创造。

>22 Collectibles
Collectibles
have
been
a
part
of
almost
every culture since ancient times.
Whereas
some
objects
have

been
collected
for

their

usefulness,
others
have

been
selected
for

their
aesthetic
beauty

alone.

In

the
United
States,

the

kinds



of
collectibles

currently

popular
range from
traditional
objects
such
as
stamps,
coins, rare books, and art to more
recent items of interest like
dolls,
bottles, baseball cards, and comic
books.
least
retain
their
current
market
values.
In
general,
the
most
traditional
collectibles
will
be
sought
because
they
have
preserved
their
value
over
the
years, there is an organized auction
market for them,
and
they
are
most
easily
sold
in
the
event that
cash is
needed.
Some
examples
of

the

most
stable collectibles are
old
masters,
Chinese ceramics, stamps, coins, rare
books, antique jewelry, silver,
porcelain, art by well-known artists,
autographs, and period
furniture.
Other

items of
more
recent interest include old
photograph records, old magazines,
post cards, baseball cards, art glass,
dolls, classic cars, old bottles, and
comic books. These
relatively new
kinds

of
collectibles
may
actually
appreciate faster as short-term
investments, but may not hold their
value as long-term investments. Once a
collectible

has

had

its

initial
play, it appreciates at a fairly
steady

rate,

supported

by

an
increasing number of enthusiastic
collectors
competing
for
the
limited
supply of
collectibles that become
increasingly more difficult to locate.
收藏品

从古代开始，收藏品就是文化的一部分。

一些物品因它们的有用性被收藏，
而另一些

则纯粹因为它们的美被收藏。

three shifts.
在美国，当今流行的收藏品种类从传统物
In
addition,
sick
leaves
as
well
as
件，如邮票、硬币、

珍本书籍、艺术品，
improved
medical
care
for
those
injured
到更近期一些的有趣的东西，
如布娃娃、
瓶
on the job were instituted. The Ford
子、垒球卡、连环漫画册。


Motor Company was one of the first
对收藏品的兴趣在过去十年中大大地增长，
factories
to
develop
a
technical
school
部分原因是一些收藏品显示出了它们的投
to train specialized skilled
资价

值。

laborers and
an
English
language
school
尤其在高通货膨胀时期，
投资者尽量购买那
for immigrants. Some efforts were
些至少会保持他们现有市场价值的有形资

even made to hire the handicapped and
产。

一般来说，最传统的收藏品受青睐，
provide jobs for former convicts.
因为它们多年后仍保持其价值。

它们拥有完善的

拍卖市场，在需要现金的
时候最容易被卖掉。

一些最稳当的收藏品
是古老的画作、中国陶

器、邮票、硬币、珍本书籍、 古代珠宝、银
器、
瓷器、
著名艺术家的作品、
亲笔签名和
有时

代特征的家具。

其它更近期的物品有旧唱片、
旧杂志、
明 信
片、垒球卡片、彩色玻璃、布

娃娃、早期
汽车、
古瓶和连环画册。

作为短期投资这
些相对说来较新颖的收藏品的确可能

更快地增值，
但作为长期投资则可能不能保
值。

一旦一件收藏品有了它第一次交易，
它便

以一个相当稳定的比率增值，< br>这个增值率受
到越来越多的热情的收藏者的支持，
他们为
有限

的而且越来越难找到的收藏品而竞
争。

>23 Henry Ford
Although Henry Ford's name is closely
associated with the concept of mass
production, he should receive equal
credit for introducing labor
practices as early as 1913 that
would be considered advanced even by
today's
standards.
Safety
measures
were improved, and the work day was
reduced to eight hours, compared with
the ten-or
twelve-hour day common at
the
time.
In
order to
accommodate the
shorter work day, the entire
factory was converted
from
two
to
The
most
widely
acclaimed
innovation
was the five-dollar-a-day minimum wage
that was offered in order to recruit

and
retain
the
best
mechanics
and
to
discourage the growth of labor unions.
Ford explained the new wage policy
in terms
of
efficiency
and
profit
sharing. He also mentioned the fact
that
his
employees
would
be
able
to
purchase
the automobiles that they
produced
--
in
effect
creating
a
market
for the product. In order to
qualify for the minimum wage,
an
employee had to establish a decent
home
and demonstrate good personal habits,
including sobriety,
thriftiness,
industriousness,
and
dependability.
Although
some
criticism
was
directed
at
Ford for involving himself too much in
the personal lives of his employees,
there can be no doubt that, at a time
when immigrants were being taken
advantage of in frightful ways, Henry
Ford was helping many people to
establish themselves in America.
亨利·福特

尽管亨利·福特的名字和大生
产的概念相连，
但他在劳工保护上得到同样
的赞 誉，因为

他早在
1913
年便实行了用今天的标准来
衡量依然是先进的标准。

安全措施得到改
进，日工

作时间从当时普遍的
10
或
12
sympathetic instrument for intimate
小时减少到
8
小时。

chamber


music.

The

harpsichord
为了适应更短的日工作时间，整个工厂

从
with

its

bright,

vigorous

tone
双班变成了三班。
而且，
病假和改善了的工
was
伤医疗得以制度化。

福特汽车公司是最早
the favorite instrument
for
建

supporting
the
bass
of
the
small
立技术学校来培训专门技工和为移民开设
orchestra of
英语学校的工厂之一。

公司甚至为雇佣残
the
period
and
for
concert
use,
but
the
疾人和

character of the tone
could not be
有前科的人而作出了一些努力。
最受广泛称
varied
save
by
mechanical
or
structural
赞的革新是实行五美元一天的最低工资。

devices.
其目

的是招收和留住那些最好的技工并阻
碍工会的发展。

福特从效率和利润分享的角度来解释

这项
新的工资政策。
他也提到这样一个事实，
他的员工可以买他们生产的汽车
--
这实际
上< br>
是为其产品另开辟了一个市场。

为了够资格得到最低工资，
员工必须建立一
个得体的家庭

并显示出良好的个人习惯，
包括节制、
俭省、
勤勉和可靠。

虽然有人
批评福特过多地干涉

了员工的私人生活，
但毫无疑问，
在移民们
被用恶劣的方式剥削的时代，
亨利·
福特却
帮助

了许多人在美国扎下根来。

>24 Piano
The
ancestry
of
the
piano
can
be
traced
to the early keyboard instruments
of
the
fifteenth
and
sixteenth
centuries
--
the
spinet,
the
dulcimer,
and
the
virginal.
In
the
seventeenth
century the organ, the clavichord, and
the

harpsichord
became
the
chief
instruments of the
keyboard
group, a
supremacy
they

maintained
until
the

piano

supplanted them at the end of the
eighteenth century. The clavichord's
tone was metallic and never
powerful;
nevertheless,
because
of
the variety of tone possible to it,
many composers found the clavichord a
The piano was perfected in the
early eighteenth century by a
harpsichord

maker

in
Italy(though
musicologists point out several
previous


instances

of


the
instrument).

This
instrument
was
called a
piano
e
forte
(soft
and

loud),
to

indicate its dynamic versatility;
its
strings
were
struck
by
a
recoiling
hammer with a felt-padded head. The
wires



were
much
heavier
in

the
earlier instruments. A series of
mechanical

improvements

continuing
well into the nineteenth century,
including

the

introduction

of
pedals

to

sustain

tone

or

to
soften
it, the
perfection
of
a metal
frame,
and steel wire of the finest
quality,
finally
produced
an
instrument
capable of myriad tonal effects
from
the most delicate harmonies to
an almost orchestral fullness
of
sound,
from
a
liquid,
singing
tone
to
a sharp, percussive brilliance.
钢琴

钢琴的家系可以追溯至
15
至
16
世纪早
期的键盘乐器，
包括小型拨弦琴、
洋琴和维
金娜

琴。
17
世纪时风琴、
敲弦琴和拨弦琴成为键盘乐器
类的主要成员。

这种至高无上的地位

一
sufficient. Within a very short time,
直为它们所保持，
直到
18
世纪末期钢琴将
however, the incongruity of
playing
它们取代。

lively music to a solemn film became
敲弦古钢琴的音调有金属的音质，

缺乏雄
apparent, and film pianists began to
劲。

然而由于它的音调变化多，
许多作曲
take
some
care
in
matching
their
家发现对于亲切的室内乐是一种得体的乐


pieces to the mood of the film.
器。
< br>人们最喜欢用具备明快有力音调的拨弦古
钢琴来配合当时小型管弦乐团的低音乐器
以
及在演奏会上演奏。

但它的音调难以
变化，除非使用机械或构件装置。
18
世纪早期的意大

利，钢琴在一位拨琴钢琴
制造者手中得到完善
(< br>尽管音乐理论家们指
出有更早的例子
)
。

这

种乐器被称为

piano eforte
(
意大利语，
柔和而响亮的
)
，
以显示它有力
的多样性。

演奏者用

一个头部带皮毡的
弹击乐锤敲击琴弦。

更早的这种乐器之上
的金属丝要重得多。

从此，持

续到
19
世纪的一系列机械上的改进，
包括
引入踏板以维持音调 或使其柔和，
改善金属
框架，

以及使用最佳性能的钢丝，最终产
生了一种具备无数音调效果的乐器。


这些效果涵盖了从

最精致的和声到几乎
全部的管弦乐音响，
从明快 流畅的吟唱的音
调到尖锐的打击乐器的清晰

动人的恢宏气
势。

>25 Movie Music
Accustomed
though
we
are
to
speaking
of
the films made before 1927 as

the
film
has never
been, in
the
full sense of the word,
silent.
From
the
very
beginning, music
was regarded as an indispensable
accompaniment; when the Lumiere films
were shown at the first public film
exhibition
in
the
United
States
in
February
1896,
they
were

accompanied by
piano improvisations on popular tunes.
At first, the music played bore no
special relationship to the films; an
accompaniment of any kind was
As movie theaters grew in number and
importance, a violinist, and perhaps a
cellist,
would
be
added
to

the
pianist
in certain cases, and in the
larger movie theaters small orchestras
were formed. For a number of years
the
selection of music for each film
program rested entirely in the hands
of
the
conductor
or
leader
of
the
orchestra,
and
very
often
the
principal
qualification
for
holding
such

a
position
was
not
skill
or
taste
so
much
as the
ownership

of

a

large
personal
library
of
musical
pieces.
Since
the
conductor
seldom
saw
the
films
until
the night
before they were to be
shown
(if
indeed,
the
conductor
was
lucky enough to see them then), the
musical arrangement
was
normally
improvised in the greatest hurry.
To

help
meet
this
difficulty,
film
distributing companies started the
practice
of

publishing
suggestions
for
musical
accompaniments.
In
1909,
for example, the Edison Company began
issuing with their films such
indications
of
mood
as



The
suggestions
became
more
explicit,
and
so
emerged
the
musical cue sheet
containing
indications
of mood, the titles of suitable pieces
of music, and precise directions to
show where
one
piece
led
into
the
next.
换点等内容的配乐说明单。

某些影片拥有
Certain
films
had
music
especially
专门为其创作的音乐。

composed for them. The most famous of
这些早期特创乐谱中最

著名的便是为
D.
these early special scores was that
W.
格雷夫斯
1915
年上映的影片
《一个国

composed and arranged for D. W.
家的诞生》所创作的音乐。

Griffith's
film
Birth
of
a
Nation,
which
>26




International




Business
was released in 1915.
电影插曲

尽管我们习惯于将
1927
年以 前的电影称
为

无声电影

，
但是就无声这个词完整的意
义

上来说，
电影从未真正的无声过，
从最初开
始音乐就被视为 必不可少的伴奏。

当卢米
埃尔

的电影在
1896
年
2
月美国首届影片公映展览上放映的时候，
影
片便用当时的流行曲临场钢

琴伴奏。

最
初，
这些音乐伴奏与电影没有什么特别的关
系，用什么曲子伴奏都行。

但在很

短的时间内，
为一部庄重 的影片演奏快活的
音乐所产生的不协调感变得显而易见，
因此
钢琴

家们开始注意将自己的作品与影片的
情调结合起来。

随着影剧院在数量上与重要性上的不

断增
长，
在一些场合，
除了钢琴师外，
还要加上
小提琴师，
或许还有一位大提琴师。

较大

的影剧院里还组成了小型的管弦乐队。

在
很长的时间内，
为各部影片选择配乐完全掌
握在

乐队 指挥或队长手中，
而通常把持这种职位
的资格不是技巧或鉴赏品味，
而是拥有一个大的

音乐作品的个人收藏。

因为直到电影上映的前一天晚上乐队指挥
才能看到影片
(
如果这个指

挥真正有幸能
够看到影片的话
)
，音乐安排通常是在非常
匆忙的情况 下临场进行的。为了解

决以上的困难，
电影发行公司开办了为音乐
伴奏印制提示单的业务。

例如
1909
年爱
迪生公

司开始将一些诸如

喜悦的

、

悲伤的

、

活泼的
之类表明影片情调特征的提示与影
片一起

发行。

这些提示逐渐变得更加具体，
并且出现了包
括影片情调说明、适用乐曲名称和乐曲

转
and Cross-cultural Communication
The increase in international business
and in foreign investment has
created a need for executives with
knowledge
of foreign languages and
skills
in
cross- cultural
communication.
Americans, however, have not been
well trained in
either
area
and,
consequently,
have

not
enjoyed
the
same
level of success in negotiation in an
international arena
as have their
foreign counterparts.
Negotiating
is
the
process
of
communicating
back
and forth
for the
purpose
of reaching an agreement. It involves

persuasion and compromise, but in
order
to
participate
in
either
one,
the
negotiators must understand the
ways in which

people
are
persuaded
and how compromise is reached within
the culture of the negotiation.
In
many
international
business
negotiations
abroad,
Americans
are
perceived
as wealthy and impersonal. It often
appears to the foreign
negotiator

that

the

American
represents

a

large
multi-million-dollar
corporation that can afford
to
pay
the
price without bargaining further.
The American negotiator's role becomes
that of an impersonal
purveyor of
information and cash.
In
studies
of
American
negotiators
abroad, several traits have been
一步地讨价还价就能出得起

价钱。

identified
that may serve to
confirm
美国谈判者的角色变成了一个没有个人感
this
stereotypical perception, while
情的信息及现金的供应者。

对在国外的美

undermining
the
negotiator's
position.
国谈判者的研究中，
我们找出了损害谈判者
Two traits in particular that cause
能力的几个特点，
或许证实这个已成定式的
cross-cultural
misunderstanding
are
看法。

尤其引起跨文化误解的两个特点是
directness and impatience on the part
美国谈判者的直截了当和缺乏耐心。

of

the


American


negotiator.
此外，
美国谈判者

经常坚持实现短期目标，
Furthermore,
American negotiators
而外国的谈判者会珍视建立谈判者之间的
often


insist

on

realizing
联系并愿意为长期利益投

入时间。

short-term
goals.
Foreign
negotiators,
为了巩固这种联系，
他们会选择非直接的交
on the
other hand, may value
the
relationship
established
between
negotiators and
may
be
willing
to
invest
time
in it
for
long-term benefits. In order to
solidify

the

relationship,

they
may opt for indirect interactions
without regard for the time
involved in getting to know the other
negotiator.
Clearly, perceptions and differences
in values affect the outcomes of
negotiations
and
the
success

of
negotiators.
For Americans to play a
more effective role in international
business negotiations, they must put
forth
more
effort
to
improve
cross-cultural understanding.
国际商业和跨文化交流

国际贸易和海外
投资的增加产生了对具有外语知识和跨文
化交

流技巧的经理的需求。

然而，美国人在这两方面未得到良好的训
练，因此没有在国际谈判

中象他们的外国
对手一样成功。

谈判是为了达成协议而反
复交流的过程。

它包括说服和妥

协。

但是为了去进行说服和妥协，
谈判者必须懂
得在谈判的文 化中怎样说服人和怎样达成
妥协。

在国外的国际商务谈判中，美国人
被视为富有和不带个人情感。

在外国谈判者看来，

似乎美国人代表着一
个庞大的拥有数百万资财的大企业 ，
不用进
流而不计较投入用于了解对方的时间。

明
显地，
价值观的不同和理解上的差异影响了
谈判的结果和谈判者的成功与否。

美国人要

在国际商务谈判中扮演更为有效
的角色，
他们就必须投入 更多的努力提高跨
文化的理解力。

>27 Scientific Theories
In science, a theory is a reasonable
explanation of observed events that
are
related.
A
theory
often
involves
an

imaginary model that helps
scientists picture the way an observed
event could be produced. A good
example of this
is
found
in
the
kinetic
molecular
theory,
in
which
gases
are pictured as being made up of many
small particles that are in constant
motion.
A
useful
theory,
in
addition
to
explaining past observations, helps to
predict
events
that
have
not
as
yet
been

observed. After a theory has been
publicized,
scientists
design
experiments to test the theory. If
observations
confirm
the
scientists'
predictions, the theory is
supported.
If
observations
do
not
confirm
the
predictions,
the

scientists
must
search
further.
There
may
be
a
fault in the experiment, or the theory

may have to be revised or
rejected.
动的小颗粒组成。

一个有用

的理论，
除了
Science
involves
imagination
and
能够解释过去的观测，
还有助于预测那些未
creative
thinking

as
well
as
被观测到的事件。

一个理论公开

collecting
后，科学家们设计实验来检验这个理论。

information
and
performing
experiments.
如果观察证实了科学家的预言，
这个理论则
Facts by themselves are not
得到

了验证。

如果观察不能证实科学家的
science.
As
the
mathematician
Jules
预言，科学家就必须进一步的研究。

Henri Poincare said,
或许是实验存在

错误，或许是这个理论必
with facts
just
as
a house is built
须被修改或抛弃。

科学家除了收集信息和
with bricks, but a collection of facts
操作实验外还需要想象

能力和创
/
造性思
cannot

be

called
science
any
more
维。

事实本身并不是科学。

than a pile of
bricks

can

be
called
a
house.
Most
scientists
start
an
investigation
by
finding
out
what
other
scientists
have
learned
about
a
particular problem. After known facts
have
been gathered, the scientist comes to
the part of the investigation that
requires considerable
imagination.
Possible solutions to the problem are
formulated.
These
possible
solutions
are called
hypotheses.
In a way, any hypothesis is a leap into
the unknown. It extends the
scientist's thinking beyond the known
facts.
The scientist plans
experiments,
performs
calculations,
and makes observations to test
hypotheses. Without
hypothesis,
further
investigation
lacks
purpose
and
direction.
When
hypotheses
are
confirmed, they are incorporated into
theories.
科学理论


在科学中，
理论是对所观察到的相关事件的
合理解释。

理论通常包 含一个虚构的模型，
这个模型帮助科学家构想所观察到的事件
是如何发生的。

分子运动理论便是我们能
找到的

一个很好的例子。

在 这个理论中，
气体被描绘成由许多不断运
正如数学家乔斯·亨利·波恩克尔所说：
科

学建立在事实之上，就像房子用砖砌成
一样。

但事实的收集不能被称作科学，
就
像一堆砖

不能被叫作房子一样。


多数科学家通过找出别的科学家在一个特
定问题上的所知来开始研

究。在收集了已
知事实之后，
科学家开始了研究中需要相当
想像力的部分。

他们尔后拟订

对这个问题的可行的解决方法。
这些可行的
解决方式被称为假设。

在某种意义上，
任
何假

设都是向未知的跳跃。
它使科学 家的思维超
越已知事实。
科学家计划实验、
计算、
观测
以检

验假定。若没有假设，进一步的研究
便缺乏目的和方向。

当假设被证实了，就成为理论的

一部分。

>28




Changing




Roles




of
Public Education
One
of
the

most
important
social
developments that helped to make
possible
a
shift in
thinking
about
the
role of
public education was the
effect
of
the
baby
boom
of
the
1950's
and
1960's on the schools. In the 1920's,
but
especially in the Depression
conditions
of
the 1930's, the United
States experienced a declining birth
rate --
every
thousand
women
aged
fifteen
to
forty- four
gave
birth
to
about
118
live
children
in
1920
，
89.2
in
1930
，
75.8
in 1936, and 80 in

1940.
With
the
growing
prosperity
an institution
unable

to
find
brought on by the Second World War and
space
the economic boom that
followed

it
and staff to teach younger children
young people married and established
aged five to sixteen. With the baby
households earlier and began to raise
boom, the focus of
educators and of
larger families than had
their
laymen interested in education
predecessors
during

the
Depression.
inevitably
turned
toward

the
lower
Birth rates rose to 102 per thousand
grades and back to basic
academic
in
1946,
106.2
in
1950,
and
118
in
skills and
discipline. The system no

1955.
Although
economics
was
longer had much interest in offering
probably
nontraditional,
new,
and
extra
the
most
important
determinant,

it
services to older youths.
is not the only explanation for the
公共教育的角色变化

一项重要的、有可能
baby
boom. The increased value placed
促使人们对公共教育的角色的看法发生转
on the idea of the family also helps
变的社会发展是本世纪五

to
explain
this
rise
in
birth
rates.
The
六十年代的生育高峰对学校的影响。

在

baby boomers began streaming into
20
年代，
尤其是在
30
年代后的大萧条中，
the first grade by the mid 1940's and
美国经

历了一次出生率的下降
--1920
年
became a flood by 1950. The public
每千名年龄在
15
school
system
suddenly
found
itself
岁至
45
岁的妇女生下大约
118
个存活婴
overtaxed. While the number of
儿，

schoolchildren rose because of wartime
1930
年
89.2
个，
1936
年
75.8
个，
1940
and postwar conditions, these same
年
80
个。

随着二战带来的持续繁荣以及
conditions made the schools even less
随之而来

prepared to cope with the flood. The
的经济增长，
年轻人比大萧条中的同龄人更
wartime economy meant that few
new
早地结婚成家，而且比前辈养育更大的家
schools were built between 1940 and
庭。

1945. Moreover, during the war and in
1946
年出生率上升到
102%
，
1950
年达

the

boom
times
that
followed,
106%
，
1955
年达
118%
。

对于生育高峰，

large
经济有可

numbers
of
teachers
left
their
能是最重要的决定因素，
但它并不是唯一的
profession
for
better-paying
jobs
解释。

不断受到重视的家庭观念也有助于
elsewhere
解释

出生率的上升。

到
40
in the economy.
年代中期为止，
这些生育高峰出生的孩子们
Therefore
in
the
1950's
and
1960's,
the
开始源源不断地进入小学

一年级。

到了

baby boom hit an antiquated and
1950
年，就形成了一股洪流。

公共教育
inadequate
school
system.
Consequently,
系统突然感到不堪重负了。

the
由于战

时和战后的状况，使得学龄儿童人
1930's and early 1940's no longer made
数增加，
这些状况使得学校面对这股洪流更
sense that is, keeping youths aged
加措手不及。

战时经济意味着在
1940
年
sixteen and older
out
of
the
labor
到
1950
market by keeping them in school could
年间几乎没有建立新学校。

而且，
在战时
no
longer
be a
high priority for
和随后的经济

增长时期，大量的教师离开
岗位去别处从事报酬更为优厚的工作。

因

understanding of the differences
此，在五六十年代，

between
telecommuting
realities
and
生育高峰冲击着陈旧而不完备的学校体系。

popular images.
这样一来，
30
年代以及
40
年代早期，

Many workers are seduced by rosy
监护理

论

就不再有意义了。

也就是说，
illusions of life as a
通过使
16
岁以上的年轻人留在学校不进入劳动力市
场的

做法再也不是教育机构的优先考虑
了。

因为教育机构不再能找到场地和教师
来教育那些更

小的
5-16
岁的孩子。

随着生育高峰，
教育者和圈外
人士对教育的兴趣和焦点，不可避免地

转
向了更低的年级和基础的学术技能和学科
上。

这个系统不再有浓厚的兴趣给较年长的年

轻人提供非传统的新式的和额外的服务。

>29 Telecommuting
Telecommuting
--
substituting

the
computer for the trip to the job -- has
been hailed
as
a
solution
to
all
kinds
of problems related to office work.
For
workers
it
promises
freedom
from
the
office, less time wasted in
traffic,
and
help
with
child-care
conflicts.
For

management,
telecommuting
helps keep high performers on board,
minimizes tardiness and absenteeism
by eliminating

commutes,
allows
periods
of
solitude
for
high- concentration
tasks,
and
provides
scheduling
flexibility.
In
some
areas,
such
as
Southern
California
and
Seattle,
Washington,
local
governments are encouraging companies
to start telecommuting programs in
order
to
reduce
rush- hour
congestion
and improve air quality.
But
these benefits
do
not
come
easily.
Making a telecommuting program
work requires careful planning and an
telecommuter. A computer programmer
from New York City
moves to the
tranquil
Adirondack
Mountains
and
stays
in contact with her office via
computer.
A
manager
comes
in
to
his
office three days a week and works at
home
the
other
two.
An
accountant
stays
home to care for her sick child;
she
hooks
up
her
telephone
modem
connections
and
does
office
work
between
calls to the doctor.
These

are

powerful

images,

but
they are a limited reflection of
reality.

Telecommuting
workers
soon
learn that it
is
almost
impossible
to
concentrate
on
work
and
care
for
a
young
child
at
the
same
time.
Before
a
certain
age,

young children cannot recognize,
much
less
respect,
the
necessary
boundaries between work and family.
Additional
child
support
is
necessary
if the parent is to get any work
done.
Management too must separate the myth
from the reality. Although the media
has paid a great deal of attention
to telecommuting in most cases
it

is

the

employee's

situation,
not the availability of technology
that precipitates a
telecommuting
arrangement.
That

is
partly
why,
despite
the
widespread
press
coverage,
the number
of
companies
with
work-at- home
programs
or

policy guidelines remains small.
电子交通

>30 The Origin of Refrigerators
电子交通
--
用电脑取代上班的往返
--
作为
By
the
mid-nineteenth
century,
the
对各种各样的办公室工作问题的解决办法
term
已受

到了欢迎。

language,
but
ice
was
still
only
对工作者来说，它承诺不受办公室的约束，

beginning
to
affect
the
diet
of
更少的时间浪费在交通上和有助于

解决照
看小孩的矛盾。

对管理者来说，
电子交通有助于挽留高效率
的工作者，通过省去办

公室与家之间的来
回往返，
大大减少工作拖拉和旷工，
给予管
理者独处的时间 来完成需要高

度集中精神的任务，
为管理者提供灵活的时
间安排。

在一些地区，
如南加利福尼亚和
西雅

图、
华盛顿，地方政府鼓励公司开始电子交
通计划以减少交通高峰时的塞车和提高空
气质量。

但这些益处也来之不易。

要使电子交通成功需要仔细的计划并且理
解电子交通的现实状况

和流行的想象之间
的区别。

许多工作者被电子交通的美好幻
想所迷惑。

一位电脑程序设计

员从纽约市搬到了宁静的阿第伦达克山，
用
电脑保持与她办公室之间的联系。

一位经
理一

周三天到办公室，
其他两天在家工作；
一位
会计师在家照顾她生病的孩子，
接通电话调
制解

调器的接头，在同医生通话之余完成
办公室工作。

这些是很有震撼力的情景，但也是对现

实
有限的反映。

电子交通者很快发现在同一
时间专注工作和照看小孩几乎是不可能的。

在

某个年龄之前，
小孩子不可能意识到，
更不
可能尊重 工作与家庭之间的界限。

如果家
长要

完成工作，
就必须另外照看小孩。

管
理阶层必须把现实同神话分开。

虽然传媒对电子交通

投入了极大的关注，
但在很大程度上，
是员工的实际情况而不是
技术的可能性促成电 子交通

的安排。

这就是为什么尽管有广泛的报导，
具有在家
工作项目或行动纲领的公司数目依然

很少
的部分原因。


ordinary
citizens in the United States. The ice
trade grew with the growth of
cities.
Ice
was
used

in
hotels,
taverns, and hospitals, and by some
forward-looking


city

dealers

in
fresh meat, fresh fish, and
butter. After the Civil War
(1861-1865),
as
ice
was
used
to
refrigerate freight cars, it also came

into
household use. Even before 1880, half
the ice sold in New York,
Philadelphia,
and
Baltimore,
and
one-third of
that sold in Boston and
Chicago,
went
to
families
for
their
own
use. This had become possible
because a new
household convenience,
the icebox, a precursor of the
modern
refrigerator,
had

been
invented.
Making an efficient icebox was not as
easy as we might now suppose. In the
early
nineteenth
century,
the
knowledge

of the physics of heat, which was
essential
to
a
science
of
refrigeration,
was rudimentary. The commonsense
notion
that the best icebox was one
that
prevented
the
ice
from
melting
was
of
course
mistaken,
for
it
was
the
melting of
the ice that performed the
cooling.
Nevertheless,
early
efforts
to
economize ice included wrapping the
ice in
blankets, which kept
the ice from doing its job. Not until
near the end of the nineteenth
century did inventors
achieve
the
delicate balance of insulation and
circulation
needed
for
an
efficient
它的作用。

直到近
19
icebox.
世纪末，发明家们才成功地找到

有效率的
But
as
early
as
1803,
an
ingenious
冰箱所需要的精确的隔热和循环的精确平
Maryland
farmer,
Thomas
Moore,
had
been
衡。

但早在
1803
年，一位有发明天才的

on
the
right
track.
He
owned
a
farm
马里兰农场主，
托马斯·
莫尔，
找到了正确

about twenty miles outside the city
方法。

他拥有一个农场，离华盛顿约
20
of
英里，

那里的乔治镇村庄是集市中心。

Washington, for which
the village of
当他用自己设计的冰箱运送黄油去市场时，
Georgetown was the market center. When
他发现顾客们

会走过装在竞争者桶里那些


迅速融化的黄油而给他比市价更高的价格
he used an icebox of his own design to
买他仍然新鲜坚硬，整

transport his butter to market, he
齐地切成一磅一块的黄油。

莫尔说他的冰
found that customers would pass up the
箱的一个好处是使得农民们不必在夜里上

rapidly
melting
stuff
in
the
tubs
of
路去市

场以保持他们产品的低温。

his competitors to pay a premium price
>31 British Columbia
for his butter, still fresh and hard
British

Columbia
is
the
third
in
neat,
one-pound
bricks.
One
largest
Canadian
province,

both
in
advantage
of
his
icebox,
more
explained,
area
was
and

population.
It
is
nearly
1.5
that farmers would no longer have to
times as large as Texas, and extends

travel
to
market
at
night
in
order
to
800
miles
(1,280km)
north

from
the
keep their produce cool.
United States border. It includes
冰箱的由来

Canada's entire
west
coast
and
the
直到
19
世纪中期，

冰箱

这个名词才进入
islands just off the coast.
了美国语言，
但冰仅仅只是开始影响美国普

Most
of
British
Columbia
is
mountainous,
通市民的饮食。

冰的买卖随着城市的发展
with long rugged ranges running
而发展。

north
and
south.
Even
the
coastal
冰被用在旅馆、酒馆、医院以及被一些

有
islands
are the remains of a mountain
眼光的城市商人用于肉、鱼和黄油的保鲜。

range that existed thousands of years
内战
(1861-1865)
之后，
冰被用于冷藏货车，

ago. During the last Ice Age, this
同时也进入了民用。

range was
scoured by glaciers until

甚至在
1880
年前，半数在纽约、费城和
most of it was beneath the sea. Its
巴尔的摩销售的冰，三分之一

peaks
now
show
as
islands
scattered
在波士顿和芝加哥销售的冰进入家庭使用，
along the coast.
因为一种新的家庭设备，
冰箱，
即现代冰箱
The southwestern coastal region has a
的前

身，被发明了。

制造一台有效率的
humid mild marine climate. Sea
冰箱不像我们想象的那么简单。

winds that blow inland from the west
19
世纪早期，关于对

冷藏科学至关重要
are
warmed by a current of warm
的热物理知识是很浅陋的。

认为最好的冰
water that
flows through the Pacific
箱应该防止冰的融化这样一个

Ocean. As a result, winter
普遍的观点显然是错误的，
因为正是冰的融
temperatures average above
freezing
化起了制冷作用。

早期为节省冰的努力，
and summers are mild. These warm
包括

用毯子把冰包起来，使得冰不能发挥
western winds also carry moisture from
the ocean.
升高跨越这些山脉时，风的温度就降低了，
Inland from the coast, the winds from
风中的水分形成降雨。

在一些朝西

the Pacific meet the mountain
山坡区域每年大约有
200
英寸
(500
厘米
)
barriers of the coastal ranges and the
的降水。

大部分英属哥伦比亚密布着森
Rocky Mountains. As they rise to
林。

在有

充足降水的斜坡，巨大的道格
cross
the
mountains,
the
winds
are
拉斯枞树高耸入云。

cooled, and their moisture begins to
这些森林巨人常常长到高达
300
英尺
(90
fall as rain. On some of the western
米
)
，直径粗达
10
英尺
(3
米
)
。

这些树
slopes almost 200 inches (500cm) of
产出了比北美其他任何树都多的木材。

铁
rain fall each year.
杉、红香

More than half of British Columbia is
椿、
香脂冷杉枞都是发现于英属哥伦比亚的
heavily forested. On mountain slopes
that receive plentiful rainfall, huge

Douglas firs rise in towering
columns.
These
forest
giants
often
grow
to be as much as 300 feet (90m)
tall, with
diameters
up
to
10
feet
(3m).
More
lumber
is
produced
from
these
trees than from any other kind of tree
in North America. Hemlock, red
cedar,
and
balsam
fir
are
among
the
other trees found in British Columbia.
英属哥伦比亚

英属哥伦比亚是加拿大的第三大省，
无论是
面积还是人口都是如此。

它几乎是德克萨

斯的
1.5
倍，从美国边境一直向北延伸了

800
英里
(1
，
280
公里
)
。

它包括了加拿大整个西

海岸及附
近岛屿。

大部分英属哥伦比亚多山峦。

绵长而粗犷的山脉贯通南北。

甚至那些

沿海的岛屿都是那些存在于千万年前的山
脉的遗迹。

在上一个冰河时期，
这些山脉
被冰河

冲刷侵蚀，直到大部分山脉被淹没
在海中。

它们的峰顶显现为沿着海岸散布的岛屿。

西南

海岸地区有着潮湿温和的海洋性气
候。

从太平洋来的温暖的洋流使得从西吹
过内陆的海风

变得温暖。

因此这儿冬天平均气温在零上而且夏天也
不会酷热。

这些温暖的西风同样也从

海洋
带来了湿气。

来自太平洋的、
从海岸向内陆的风遇到海岸
山脉和落基山脉这些山脉屏

障。

当气流
其它树种。

>32 Botany
Botany,
the
study
of
plants,
occupies
a
peculiar position in the history of
human knowledge. For many thousands
of years it was the one
field

of

awareness

about

which
humans had anything more than the
vaguest of insights. It is impossible
to know today just what our Stone Age
ancestors knew about plants, but from
what we can observe of
preindustrial
societies that still exist a detailed
learning of plants and their
properties

must
be

extremely

ancient.
This
is
logical.
Plants
are
the
basis
of
the
food
pyramid
for
all
living
things even for other plants. They
have always been enormously important
to the welfare of people not only for
food, but also for clothing, weapons,
tools, dyes, medicines, shelter, and
a
great
many
other
purposes.
Tribes
living today in the jungles of the
Amazon
recognize

literally
hundreds
of plants and know many properties of
each. To them, botany, as such, has

no name and is probably not even
recognized
as
a
special
branch
of

Unfortunately,
the
more
industrialized
we become the farther away we move
的生活至关重要，
不仅在食物上，
而且在衣
from
direct
contact
with
plants,
and
the
物、武器、工具、染料、


less distinct our knowledge of
药物、
住所和许许多多其他的用途上。

至
botany
grows.
Yet
everyone
comes
今仍生活在亚马逊河丛林中的部落确实能
unconsciously

on

an

amazing
够辨识

几百种植物并知道每一种的许多特
amount of
性。

botanical
knowledge,

and

few
对他们来说，
植物学没有专门的名称，
甚至
people

will

fail

to
recognize
a
可能根

本未被认为是一种专门知识。

不
rose,
幸的是，
工业化的程度越高，
我们距直接与
an
apple,
or
an
orchid.
When
our
植物接触就越

Neolithic ancestors, living
in
the
远，
我们的植物学知识的增加也就越微不足
Middle
East
about
10,
000
years
ago,
discovered
that certain
grasses
could
be
harvested and their
seeds
planted
for
richer yields the next season the
first great
step
in a
new
association
of plants and humans was
taken.
Grains were discovered and from them
flowed the marvel of agriculture:
cultivated
crops.
From
then
on,

humans
would
increasingly
take
their
living
from
the
controlled
production
of
a
few
plants, rather than getting a
little
here
and
a
little
there
from
many
varieties that grew wild - and the
accumulated
knowledge
of
tens
of

thousands
of
years
of
experience
and
intimacy with plants in the wild would
begin to fade away.
植物学

植物学，
即对植物的研究，
在人类知识的历
史中占据了特殊的地位。

这是人类几千年

来超越模糊的认知而真正有所了解的领域
之一。

我们今天不可能知道新石器时代的祖先们

对植物到底了解多少，
但我们在至 今仍存在
的前工业化社会观察到：
人类对植物及其特
性的

详细了解应该是非常古老的。

这是理所当然的。

植物是其他生物甚至其
他植物食物金字塔

的基础。

它们对人们
道。

然而每个人在不知不觉中拥有大量的
植物

学知识，很少有人认不出玫瑰、苹果
或兰花。

大约一万年前居住在中东的新时代的祖先
们

发现某些草能被收获，它们的种 子下一
季耕种会收获更多时，
人类就迈出了人和植
物之间的

新关系第一大步。

谷子被发现后，
农业的奇迹从此诞生：
这就
是可栽培的谷物。

从那时起，

人类越来越
依赖少数可控制的作物生存，
而不再是从众
多的野生种类中这里获取一点，那里

获取一点。

这样在千万年中对于野生植物
的经验和密切联系中积累起来的知识就开
始消失

了。


>33 Plankton
Scattered
through
the
seas
of
the
world
are billions of tons of small
plants
and
animals
called
plankton.
Most of
these plants and animals are
too
small
for
the
human
eye
to
see.
They
drift about lazily with the
currents,
providing a basic food for
many larger animals.
Plankton
has
been
described
as
the
equivalent of the grasses that grow
on
the

dry
land
continents,
and
the

comparison
is
an
appropriate
one.
In
potential
food
value,
however,
plankton
far outweighs that of the land

grasses.
One
scientist
has
estimated
that while grasses of the world
的。

然而就潜在的食物价值而言，
浮游生
produce
about
49
billion
tons
of
物远胜于草类。

一位科学家曾经估计，
世
valuable carbohydrates each year, the
界上的

草类每年生产大约
490
sea's
plankton
generates
more
than
亿吨有用的碳水化合物，
而海洋里的浮游生
twice as much.
物每年生产的碳水化合物

多于此数的两
Despite
its
enormous
food
potential,
倍。

尽管浮游生物具备巨大的食物潜能，
little effect was made until recently
但直到最近人们还很少象种植草类

to farm plankton as we farm grasses on
那样付出努力养殖浮游生物。

现在，海洋

land.
Now marine
scientists
have
at
科学家们至少已开始研究这种可能性。

全
last

begun

to
study

this
球人口

不断扩张，海洋资源作为食品的重
possibility,
especially
as
the
sea's
要性日益突出。

resources
loom
even
more
important
as
a
means
of
feeding an expanding world
population.
No
one
yet
has
seriously
suggested
that

popular
around
the

world.

As

a
possible farmed supplementary food
source,

however,

plankton

is
gaining
considerable
interest
among
marine
scientists.
One
type
of plankton
that
seems
to
have
great harvest possibilities is a
tiny shrimplike creature called krill.

Growing
to
two
or
three
inches
long,
krill provide the major food for the
great blue whale, the largest animal
ever inhabit the Earth. Realizing that
this whale may grow to
100
feet
and
weigh
150
tons
at
maturity,
it is not
surprising that each one
devours
more
than
one
ton
of
krill
daily.
浮游生物

数十亿吨的被称为

浮游生物

的小动物、植物散布在世界的海洋中。< br>
这
些小

的动、植物大多太小而难以被人眼看
到。

它们随波逐流，
为许多较大的动物提供了基
本的

食物。

浮游生物曾被描述为生长在大
陆陆地上的各种草类的海洋对应物。

这种
比喻是恰当

现在还没有人认真说过

浮游生物汉堡
会
很快在世界上流行起来。

然而，
作为一种
可能养 殖的补充性食物资源，
浮游生物正引
起

了海洋科学家们相当大的兴趣。


一种似乎具有很大收获可能性的微小的虾
状浮游生物被称

为鳞虾。

鳞虾长至
2
～
3
英寸长时即成为地球上曾居住过的最大动
物
--
蓝鲸的主要食物。

成

熟的蓝鲸可以达到
100
英尺长，
150
吨重，
所以每头鲸每天吞食
1
吨多的鳞虾一点也
不让人

吃惊。

>34 Raising Oysters
In
the
past
oysters
were
raised
in
much
the same way as dirt farmers raised
tomatoes
-
by
transplanting
them.
First, farmers selected the oyster
bed, cleared the bottom of old shells
and other debris, then scattered
clean shells
about.
Next,
they

fertilized
oyster
eggs,
which
within two or three weeks hatched into
larvae.
The larvae drifted until
they attached themselves to the clean
shells on the bottom. There they
remained and in
time grew into baby
oysters called seed or spat. The spat
grew
larger
by
drawing
in
seawater
from
which they
derived microscopic
particles

of
food.
Before

long,
farmers gathered the baby oysters,
transplanted them
in other
waters
to
speed up their growth, then
transplanted
them
once
more
into
过去人们饲养牡蛎的方式很大程度上类似
another
body
of
water
to
fatten
them
up.
于田地里的农夫种植蕃茄
--
通过移植来饲
Until
recently
the
supply
of
wild
养

它们。

oysters and those crudely farmed were
首先，
农夫选好牡蛎苗床，
清除底部的旧壳
more
than enough to satisfy
people's
和其它杂物，然后四处撒播干净的壳。

接

needs.
着，
他们

栽种

已受精的牡蛎卵。

这些卵
But today the delectable seafood is
在
2
～
3
周内会孵化成幼贝。

no longer available in abundance. The

幼贝一直漂流直到

粘在苗床底部干净的
problem
has
become
so
serious
that
some

oyster beds have vanished
entirely.
Fortunately, as far back as the early
1900's marine biologists realized
that if new measures were not taken,

oysters

would

become

extinct
or
at best a luxury food. So they
set up well-equipped hatcheries and
went to work.
But
they
did
not
have
the proper equipment or the skill to
handle
the
eggs.
They
did
not
know
when,
what, and how
to feed the larvae.
And
they
knew
little
about
the
predators
that attack and eat baby oysters
by the millions. They failed, but they
doggedly kept at it. Finally, in the
1940's a significant breakthrough was
made.
The marine biologists discovered that
by raising the temperature of the
water, they could induce oysters to
spawn not only in the summer but also
in the fall, winter, and spring. Later
they developed a technique for
feeding the larvae and rearing them to
spat. Going still further, they
succeeded in breeding new strains that
were resistant to diseases, grew
faster and larger, and flourished in
water of different salinities and
temperatures. In addition, the
cultivated oysters tasted better!
饲养牡蛎

壳上为止。

它们会呆在那儿并逐渐长成小
牡蛎。

我们称之为种子或贝

苗。

贝苗吸进海水中的微小生物作为食物
从而越长越大。

不久之后，农夫将这些小
牡蛎收

集起来，
把它们移种进其他的水 域加快其生
长，
然后再次将它们移种进另外的水域以使
其肥

壮起来。

直到最近，
野生的以及人工
饲养的牡蛎完全能够满足人们的需要。

但是今天这种

可口的海味已不再大量存
在。
这个问题已经变得如此 严重以至于一些
牡蛎苗床已完全消失。

幸运的是，
早在
20
世纪初期海洋生物学家们就意识到如果不
采取新的措施，牡蛎将会灭绝

或至少会变
为一种奢侈的食品。

因此他们建造了装备
良好的孵卵场所并开始工作。

但是他
们尚没有适当的装置或技术来处理牡蛎卵。
他们不知道何时、用什么以及如何喂养幼
贝。他

们对捕食数百万幼小牡蛎的动物天
敌也所知无几。

他们失败了，
但他们顽强地坚持了下来。

终
于，
在
20
世纪
40
年代，
一个重要的突破
性的进展产生了。

海洋生物学家发现，
升
高水

温能够诱导牡蛎不仅在夏季也在秋季、
冬季
和春季里产卵。

后来他们发展了一项技术
来喂

养幼贝至其长成贝苗。

他们进一步成功地培养出了新的品种，
可以
抵抗疾病、长得更快、

更大并且在不同的
盐度和温度的水中都能茁壮生长。

此外，
这些培殖出的牡蛎口感更佳
!
>35 Oil Refining
An
important
new
industry,
oil
refining,
grew after the Civil War. Crude
oil,
or
petroleum
--
a
dark,
thick
ooze

from the earth -- had been known
products such
as
waxes
and
for hundreds of years, but little use
lubricating
oils.
Petroleum
was
not
had ever been made of it. In the
then used to
1850's
Samuel
M.
Kier,
a
manufacturer
make gasoline or heating oil.
in western Pennsylvania, began
炼油

collecting the oil from local seepages
一种重要的新兴工业
--
炼油业在国内战争
and refining
it into kerosene.
后成长起来。

未加工的石油，或原油
--
一
Refining,
like
smelting,
is
a
process
of
种深

色的地下的稠浆
--
数百年来一直为大
removing impurities from a raw
众所知，但是人们却很少使用过它。

material.

在十九世纪五十

年代，
萨缪尔·
M
·
科尔，
Kerosene was used to light lamps.
宾西法尼亚西部的一位制造商，
开始从当地
It was a cheap substitute for
的溢出物中收集石油

whale

oil,

which

was
becoming
并将它炼成煤油。
与冶炼矿石一样，
石油提
harder to get. Soon
there
was
a
large
炼是一个从未加工的原料中除去杂质的过
demand for
kerosene. People
began to
程。煤

油被用来点灯。

search for new supplies of petroleum.
它是鲸油的一种便宜的替代品，
而鲸油正变
The first oil well was drilled by E. L.
得越来越难以获得。

不久就产

生了对煤油
Drake, a retired railroad
的大量需求。

人们开始寻找新的石油供
conductor.
In
1859
he
began
drilling
in
应。

第一口油井为


Titusville,
Pennsylvania.
The
whole
E
·
L
·瑞克，一个

退休的火车检票员所钻
venture
seemed
so
impractical
and
得。
1859
年他开始在宾西法尼亚的泰特
foolish
that
onlookers
called
it
斯维尔钻井。

整个的这项


冒险事业看起来是如此不现实和愚蠢以致
Folly< br>旁观者称之为

鸭子的蠢行

。
(
译者注：
about 70 feet (21 meters), Drake
Drake's Folly, drake
struck oil. His well began to yield 20
在这里意含双关，
即指瑞克的名字，
又指该

barrels of crude oil a day.
词的本义即鸭子。
)
但当瑞克往下钻

至

News
of
Drake's
success
brought
oil
70
英尺
(21
米
)
的时候，他发现了石油。

prospectors to the scene. By the early
他的油井从此每天生产

1860's these wildcatters were drilling
20
桶原油。

瑞克成功的

消息将石油勘探

for
者们吸引到现场。

截止到
19
世纪
60
年
Pennsylvania.
The
boom
rivaled
the
代早期，这些冒险者为寻找

黑色的

California gold
rush of
1848
in its
金子

钻探遍了整个宾西法尼亚西部。

这


项繁荣的事业在刺激性和粗犷的西部气氛
excitement
and
Wild
West
atmosphere.
上可与

And it brought far more wealth to
1848
年的加州淘金热相媲美，而且它为勘
the prospectors than any gold rush.
探者带来了远超过淘金潮的财富。

原油能
Crude oil could be refined into many
被提炼

成许多产品。

多年以来煤油一直是
products. For some years kerosene
主要的一种产品。

continued to be the principal one. It
它在杂货店中出售由人挨户推销。
19
世
was
sold in grocery stores and
纪八十九十年代炼油者们懂得了生产其它
door-to-door.
In
the
1880's
refiners
石油产品，
如蜡和润滑油。

那时石油还没
learned how to make other petroleum
有被

用来制造汽油或采暖装置用油。

discovery
that
periodic
reversals
of
>36


Plate


Tectonics


and

the Earth's magnetic field are
Sea-floor Spreading
recorded
in
the
oceanic
crust.
As
The
theory
of
plate
tectonics
describes
magma rises under the mid- ocean
the motions of the lithosphere, the
ridge, ferromagnetic minerals in
comparatively rigid outer layer of the
the magma become magnetized in the

Earth that
includes
all
the crust
direction
of
the
geomagnetic
field.
and part of the underlying mantle.
When the magma cools and solidifies,
The lithosphere is divided into a few
the direction and the polarity of the
dozen plates
of
various
sizes
and
field are preserved in the magnetized
shapes, in general the plates are in
volcanic rock. Reversals of the field
motion with respect to one another. A
mid-ocean ridge is a boundary
between plates where new lithospheric
material is injected from belows. As
the plates diverge
from a mid-ocean
ridge they slide on a more yielding
layer at the base of the lithosphere.
Since

the
size
of
the
Earth
is
essentially constant, new lithosphere
can
be
created

at
the
mid- ocean
ridges
only
if
an
equal
amount
of
lithospheric
material
is
consumed
elsewhere.
The
site of this destruction is another
kind of
plate boundary: a subduction
zone. There one plate dives under the
edge of another and is reincorporated
into the mantle. Both kinds of plate
boundary
are
associated
with
fault
systems,
earthquakes
and

volcanism,
but
the
kinds

of
geologic
activity
observed
at
the
two
boundaries
are
quite
different.
The
idea
of
sea- floor
spreading
actually preceded the theory of plate
tectonics. In its original version, in
the

early
1960's,
it
described
the
creation and destruction of the ocean
floor, but it did not specify rigid
lithospheric
plates.
The
hypothesis
was
substantiated soon afterward by the
give rise to a series of magnetic
stripes
running
parallel
to
the
axis
of
the rift. The oceanic crust thus
serves as a magnetic tape recording of
the history of the geomagnetic field
that can be dated independently;
the
width of the stripes indicates the
rate of the sea-floor spreading.
板块结构与海床扩展

板块结构理论描述岩石圈的运动。

岩石圈
是相对坚硬的地球外层，
包括全部地壳和部

分地幔。

岩石圈被划分为几十个大小不同形状各异
的板块，一般而言这些板块都处于相对

运
动之中。

一道中海脊是板块之间的边界，
在那里新的岩石圈的物质从下部注入。

当板块

从中海脊脱离时，它们滑向在岩石
圈基部较易变形的地层上。

因为地球的大
小本质上是不

变的，
只有同等数量的岩石圈物质在 其它地
方被吞没，
新的岩石圈才能生成。

销毁旧
岩石

圈的地方形成另外一种板块边界：
一块潜没
的区域。

在这里，
一块板块潜没到另一板
块的

边缘之下并结合入地幔之中。

两种板块边界均与地层系统、
地震以及火山
活动有关，但在

两种边界处观察到的诸般
地质活动却迥然不同。

海床扩展说实际上
早于板块结构理论。

在

20
世纪
60
年代它的理论雏形中，描述了
海底的生成和毁灭，
但没 有详细介绍坚硬的
岩石圈

板块。

这个假定不久之后为发现所
证实。


Also,
they
may
roll
over
该发现表明地球磁场周期性的逆转被记录
unexpectedly,
churning
the
waters
在海洋

地壳中。

当岩浆从中海脊下涌起的
around them.
时候，
岩浆中的磁铁矿物质按地磁场的方向
Icebergs
are
parts
of
glaciers
that
被磁化。

岩

break off, drift into the water, float
浆冷却并凝固下来后，
地磁场的方向和磁极
about
awhile,
and
finally
melt.
被保留在磁化了的火山岩中。

磁场的逆转
Icebergs afloat today are made of
形成

一系列与断层轴线平行的条形磁区。

snowflakes that have fallen over long
这样海洋壳就扮演了磁带的角色，
记录下可
以鉴定时

间的地磁场的历史。

条形磁区
的宽度表明了海底扩展的速度。

>37 Icebergs
Icebergs
are
among
nature's
most
spectacular
creations,
and
yet
most
people
have
never
seen
one.
A
vague
air
of

mystery
envelops
them.
They
come
into
being
--
somewhere
--
in
faraway,
frigid
waters, amid thunderous noise and

splashing
turbulence,
which
in
most
case no one hears or sees. They exist
only
a
short
time
and
then
slowly
waste

away just as unnoticed.
Objects
of
sheerest beauty they
have
been called. Appearing in an endless
variety
of
shapes,
they
may
be
dazzlingly
white,
or

they
may
be
glassy
blue, green or purple, tinted faintly
or in darker hues. They are
graceful, stately,
inspiring
--
in
calm, sunlight seas.
But
they
are
also
called
frightening
and
dangerous, and that they are -- in
the night, in the fog, and in storms.

Even
in
clear
weather
one
is
wise
to
stay a safe distance away from them.
Most of their bulk
is
hidden
below
the

water, so their underwater
parts may
extend out far beyond the visible top.


ages of time. They embody snows that
drifted down
hundreds,

or

many
thousands, or in some cases maybe a
million years ago. The snows fell in
polar regions and on cold mountains,
where they melted only a little or not
at all, and so collected to great
depths over the years and
centuries.
As
each
year's
snow
accumulation
lay
on
the surface, evaporation and
melting caused the snowflakes slowly
to lose
their feathery points and
become
tiny
grains
of
ice.
When
new
snow
fell on top of the old, it too
turned to icy
grains. So blankets of
snow and ice grains mounted layer upon
layer and were of such great thickness
that the weight of the upper layers
compressed the lower ones. With time
and pressure from above, the many
small ice grains joined
and
changed
to larger crystals, and eventually the
deeper
crystals
merged
into
a
solid
mass
of ice.
冰山

冰山是大自然最壮观的创造之一 ，但
大多数人却从未看到过冰山，
一种朦胧神秘
的气氛

笼罩着它们。

冰山形成于久远的、
寒冷的
水体中，
而且 伴随着雷声轰鸣般的嘈杂和水
花汹

涌的风暴，
但却无人耳闻目睹。
冰山仅存在
短短的一段时间就慢慢地悄无声息地融化
掉。冰

山具有最纯粹的美，人们如是说。

冰山呈现出千姿百态，
可能白得耀眼，
或者
是闪耀着蓝

色、绿色或紫色的玻璃般的光
芒，
或浓或淡。

它们在平静的阳光照耀的

blue crystals of topaz are large,
海水中显得优雅堂

often
weighing
thousands
of
carats.
皇，
令人浮想联翩。

但是人们亦把冰山称

For this reason, the value of topaz
为恐怖的和危险的。

它们的确如此
--
在夜
does not depend so much on its size as
间，雾

天和风暴肆虐时。

it does with diamonds and many other
即便是在晴朗的天气里，
与它们保持一段安
precious
stones,
where
the

value
全距离也是明智的。

冰山的

大部分体积稳
increases about four times with each
藏于水下，
因此其水下部分的伸展远远超过
doubling
of
weight.
The
value
of
a
topaz
可见的顶部。

冰山也可能出人意

is largely determined by its
料地翻滚，
剧烈地搅动周围的水体。

冰山
quality. But color is
also
是冰川的一部分，从冰川断裂漂流进水中，
important:
blue
topaz,
for
instance,
is
一段

时间后融化。

今天的冰山由多年前
降落的雪花形成。

它们的体内是数百年，或数千年，有

时甚
至是数百万年前的降雪。

这些雪花落在极
地或寒冷的山上，
仅有少量融化或根本不融

化，
这样经过许多年或许多世纪后积累了巨
大的深度。

由于每年的雪花积累在表面之
上，

蒸发和融化使得雪花慢慢失去其羽状
尖端而变成微小的冰粒。

当新的雪花降落到旧的表面

上，也变成了
冰粒。

因而雪花覆盖层和冰粒层层堆积起
来直到如此之大的厚度以致较上层

的重量
压缩较下层。

在时间和压力的作用下，
许多小冰粒结合到
一起变成更大的晶体，最

终较底层的晶体
合并成庞大而坚固的冰块。

>38 Topaz
Topaz
is
a
hard,
transparent
mineral.
It
is a compound of aluminum, silica,
and fluorine. Gem topaz is valuable.

Jewelers
call
this variety of
the
stone
precious topaz gems range in color
from
rich
yellow
to
light
brown
or
pinkish
red.
Topaz
is
one
of
the
hardest
gem minerals. In the mineral table of

hardness,
it
has
a
rating
of
8,
which
means that a knife cannot cut it, and
that topaz will scratch quartz.
The
golden
variety
of
precious
topaz
is
quite uncommon. Most of the world's
topaz is white or blue. The white and
often
irradiated
to
deepen and
improve its
color.
Blue topaz is often sold as aquamarine
and a variety of brown quartz is
widely
sold
as
topaz.
The
quartz
is
much

less brilliant and more plentiful
than
true
topaz.
Most
of
it
is
a
variety
of amethyst: that heat has turned
brown.
黄水晶

黄水晶是一种坚硬、透明的矿物质。

它是
铝、硅和氟的化合物。

黄水晶宝石价值不
菲。

珠宝商把这种石头称为

黄玉

。

最出名的黄玉有各种颜色如深黄色、淡棕
色、
浅红色等。

黄

水晶是最坚硬的宝石矿
中的一种。

在矿石硬度表上，
它的硬度为

8
，这表明刀子不能割开

它而它可在石英上划痕。

金黄色的黄玉品
种非常罕见。

世界上大多数的黄水晶是白
色或蓝

色的。

这些白色或蓝色的黄水晶
晶体很大，常常有数千克拉重。

由于这个原因，黄水晶的

价值不像钻石和
许多其它宝石那样主要依赖于其大 小，
重量
翻一番价值即上升约四倍。

黄

水晶的价值很大程度上取决于其品质，
但颜
色也很重要。

举例来说，
蓝色的黄水晶常
需放

射处理以加深和改善其颜色。

蓝色的黄水晶常被作为海蓝宝石出售，
许多
种棕色石英被当

作黄水晶广为贩卖。

石英
光亮度远小于黄水晶，
矿藏储量也远较黄水
晶丰富。

大多数石英

是一种紫水晶，高温使其变为棕色。

formation and melting of sea ice. When
>39 The Salinity of Ocean Waters
sea
water is frozen, the dissolved
If
the
salinity
of
ocean
waters
is
materials
are
left
behind.
In
this
analyzed, it is found to vary only
manner, sea water directly beneath
slightly
from
place
to
place.
freshly
formed
sea
ice has a higher
Nevertheless,
some
of
these
small
salinity than it did before the ice
changes are
appeared.
Of
course,
when
this
ice
melts,
important.
There
are
three
basic
it will tend to
decrease the
processes that
salinity
of
the
surrounding
water.
cause a change in oceanic salinity.

In the Weddell Sea Antarctica, the
One
of
these
is
the
subtraction
of
water
densest
water
in
the
oceans
is
formed
as
from the ocean by means of
evaporation
-
conversion
of
liquid
water to water
vapor.
In
this
manner
the
salinity is increased, since the salts
stay behind. If this is carried to
the
extreme,
of
course,
white
crystals of salt would be left behind.
The

opposite

of
evaporation
is
precipitation, such as rain, by which
water
is added
to the
ocean.
Here
the
ocean is being diluted so that the
salinity
is
decreased.
This
may
occur
in
areas of high rainfall or in
coastal

regions



where

rivers
flow

into

the

ocean.

Thus
salinity
may be
increased
by
the
subtraction
of
water by evaporation, or
decreased
by
the
addition
of
fresh
water
by
precipitation or runoff.
Normally,
in
tropical
regions
where
the
sun is very strong, the ocean
salinity is somewhat higher than it is
in other parts of the world where
there
is
not
as
much
evaporation.
Similarly, in coastal regions where
rivers dilute
the

sea,
salinity
is
somewhat lower than in other oceanic
areas.
A
third
process
by
which
salinity
may
be
altered is associated with the
a result of this freezing process,

which increases the salinity of
cold
water. This heavy water sinks and is
found
in
the
deeper
portions
of
the

oceans of the world.
海水盐度

如果我们分析海水的盐度，会发
现地区间只有轻微的变化，
然而有些小的变
化是重要的。

导致海洋的盐度变化的基本过程有三个，
其
中之一是通过蒸发的方式即把液态水转化
为水蒸

气来减少海洋中的水分。

这样由
于盐留了下来，所以盐度增大。

当然，如果这种方式走向

极端，将会余下
白色的盐晶体。

与蒸发相反的是降水，
如
降雨，由此水被加入海中，海水

被稀释，
从而盐度降低。

这种情形会发生在大量降雨的地区，
或江河
入海岸处。

因此，盐

度通过蒸发减少水
分而上升或通过降水或径流增加淡水成分
而下降。

一般来说，在阳光很

强烈的热带地区，
海水的盐度略高于世界上
其它没有热带那样多的蒸发的地区。

同
理，在

江河稀释海水的海岸地带，海水盐
度略低于其它海区。

第三个可以变更盐度的过程与海洋

中冰的
形成和融化有关。

海水冻结时，
溶于其中
的物质被留了下来。

这样，
在新形成的海

水冰面的正下方的海水比在冰形成之前有
更高的盐度。

当然，
当冰融化的时候，
会
降低周

围水中的盐度。

在南极洲边缘的威德尔海中，
结冰过程增加
低温海水的盐度，从而形成了

浓度最大的