-
英语经典背诵五十篇
The
Language
of
Music
A
painter
hangs
his
or
her
finished
pictures
on
a
wall,
and
everyone
can
see
it.
A
composer
writes
a
work,
but
no
one
can
hear
it
until
it
is
perf
ormed.
Professional
singers
and
players
have
great
responsibilities,
for
the
composer
is
utterly
dependent
on
them.
A
student
of
music
needs
as
lo
ng
and
as
arduous
a
training
to
become
a
performer
as
a
medical
stude
nt
needs
to
become
a
doctor.
Most
training
is
concerned
with
technique,
for
musicians
have
to
have
the
muscular
proficiency
of
an
athlete
or
a
b
allet
dancer.
Singers
practice
breathing
every
day,
as
their
vocal
chords
would
be
inadequate
without
controlled
muscular
support.
String
players
practice
moving
the
fingers
of
the
left
hand
up
and
down,
while
drawing
the
bow
to
and
fro
with
the
right
arm
—
two
entirely
different
movement
s.
Singers
and
instruments
have
to
be
able
to
get
every
note
perfectly
i
n
tune.
Pianists
are
spared
this
particular
anxiety,
for
the
notes
are
alrea
dy
there,
waiting
for
them,
and
it
is
the
piano
t
uner’s
responsibility
to
tu
ne
the
instrument
for
them.
But
they
have
their
own
difficulties;
the
ham
mers
that
hit
the
string
have
to
be
coaxed
not
to
sound
like
percussion,
and
each
overlapping
tone
has
to
sound
clear.
This
problem
of
getting
clear
texture
is
one
that
confronts
student
co
nductors:
they
have
to
learn
to
know
every
note
of
the
music
and
how
i
t
should
sound,
and
they
have
to
aim
at
controlling
these
sound
with
fan
atical
but
selfless
authority.
Technique
is
of
no
use
unless
it
is
combined
with
musical
knowledge
and
understanding.
Great
artists
are
those
who
are
so
thoroughly
at
ho
me
in
the
language
of
music
that
they
can
enjoy
performing
works
writte
n
in
any
century.
Schooling
and
Education
It
is
commonly
believed
in
United
States
that
school
is
where
people
go
to
get
an
education.
Nevertheless,
it
has
been
said
that
today
childre
n
interrupt
their
education
to
go
to
school.
The
distinction
between
schoo
ling
and
education
implied
by
this
remark
is
important.
Education
is
much
more
open-ended
and
all-inclusive
than
schooling.
Education
knows
no
bounds.
It
can
take
place
anywhere,
whether
in
the
shower
or
in
the
job,
whether
in
a
kitchen
or
on
a
tractor.
It
includes
b
oth
the
formal
learning
that
takes
place
in
schools
and
the
whole
univers
e
of
informal
learning.
The
agents
of
education
can
range
from
a
revered
grandparent
to
the
people
debating
politics
on
the
radio,
from
a
child
to
a
distinguished
scientist.
Whereas
schooling
has
a
certain
predictability,
education
quite
often
produces
surprises.
A
chance
conversation
with
a
st
ranger
may
lead
a
person
to
discover
how
little
is
known
of
other
religio
ns.
People
are
engaged
in
education
from
infancy
on.
Education,
then,
is
a
very
broad,
inclusive
term.
It
is
a
lifelong
process,
a
process
that
star
ts
long
before
the
start
of
school,
and
one
that
should
be
an
integral
pa
rt
of
one’s
entire
life.
Schooling,
on
the
other
hand,
is
a
specific,
formalized
process,
whose
general
pattern
varies
little
from
one
setting
to
the
next.
Throughout
a
country,
children
arrive
at
school
at
approximately
the
same
time,
take
a
ssigned
seats,
are
taught
by
an
adult,
use
similar
textbooks,
do
homewor
k,
take
exams,
and
so
on.
The
slices
of
reality
that
are
to
be
learned,
w
hether
they
are
the
alphabet
or
an
understanding
of
the
working
of
gove
rnment,
have
usually
been
limited
by
the
boundaries
of
the
subject
being
taught.
For
example,
high
school
students
know
that
there
not
likely
to
find
out
in
their
classes
the
truth
about
political
problems
in
their
commu
nities
or
what
the
newest
filmmakers
are
experimenting
with.
There
are
definite
conditions
surrounding
the
formalized
process
of
schooling.
The
Definition
of
“Price”
Prices
determine
how
resources
are
to
be
used.
They
are
also
the
m
eans
by
which
products
and
services
that
are
in
limited
supply
are
ration
ed
among
buyers.
The
price
system
of
the
United
States
is
a
complex
ne
twork
composed
of
the
prices
of
all
the
products
bought
and
sold
in
the
economy
as
well
as
those
of
a
myriad
of
services,
including
labor,
profes
sional,
transportation,
and
public-utility
services.
The
interrelationships
of
all
these
prices
make
up
the
―system‖
of
prices.
The
price
of
any
particul
ar
product
or
service
is
linked
to
a
broad,
complicated
system
of
prices
i
n
which
everything
seems
to
depend
more
or
less
upon
everything
else.
If
one
were
to
ask
a
group
of
randomly
selected
individuals
to
define
―price‖,
many
would
reply
that
price
is
an
amount
of
money
paid
by
the
buyer
to
the
seller
of
a
product
or
service
or,
in
other
words
that
price
is
the
money
values
of
a
product
or
service
as
agreed
upon
in
a
marke
t
transaction.
This
definition
is,
of
course,
valid
as
far
as
it
goes.
For
a
c
omplete
understanding
of
a
price
in
any
particular
transaction,
much
mor
e
than
the
amount
of
money
involved
must
be
known.
Both
the
buyer
a
nd
the
seller
should
be
familiar
with
not
only
the
money
amount,
but
wit
h
the
amount
and
quality
of
the
product
or
service
to
be
exchanged,
the
time
and
place
at
which
the
exchange
will
take
place
and
payment
will
be
made,
the
form
of
money
to
be
used,
the
credit
terms
and
discounts
that
apply
to
the
transaction,
guarantees
on
the
product
or
service,
deli
very
terms,
return
privileges,
and
other
factors.
In
other
words,
both
buy
er
and
seller
should
be
fully
aware
of
all
the
factors
that
comprise
the
to
tal
―package‖
being
exchanged
for
the
asked
-for
amount
of
money
in
ord
er
that
they
may
evaluate
a
given
price.
Electricity
The
modern
age
is
an
age
of
electricity.
People
are
so
used
to
electri
c
lights,
radio,
televisions,
and
telephones
that
it
is
hard
to
imagine
what
life
would
be
like
without
them.
When
there
is
a
power
failure,
people
grope
about
in
flickering
candlelight,
cars
hesitate
in
the
streets
because
there
are
no
traffic
lights
to
guide
them,
and
food
spoils
in
silent
refriger
ators.
Yet,
people
began
to
understand
how
electricity
works
only
a
little
m
ore
than
two
centuries
ago.
Nature
has
apparently
been
experimenting
in
this
field
for
million
of
years.
Scientists
are
discovering
more
and
more
t
hat
the
living
world
may
hold
many
interesting
secrets
of
electricity
that
could
benefit
humanity.
All
living
cell
send
out
tiny
pulses
of
electricity.
As
the
heart
beats,
it
sends
out
pulses
of
record;
they
form
an
electrocardiogram,
which
a
do
ctor
can
study
to
determine
how
well
the
heart
is
working.
The
brain,
to
o,
sends
out
brain
waves
of
electricity,
which
can
be
recorded
in
an
elec
troencephalogram.
The
electric
currents
generated
by
most
living
cells
are
extremely
small
–
often
so
small
that
sensitive
instruments
are
needed
t
o
record
them.
But
in
some
animals,
certain
muscle
cells
have
become
s
o
specialized
as
electrical
generators
that
they
do
not
work
as
muscle
cel
ls
at
all.
When
large
numbers
of
these
cell
are
linked
together,
the
effect
s
can
be
astonishing.
The
electric
eel
is
an
amazing
storage
battery.
It
can
seed
a
jolt
of
a
s
much
as
eight
hundred
volts
of
electricity
through
the
water
in
which
it
live.
(
An
electric
house
current
is
only
one
hundred
twenty
volts.)
As
many
as
four-
fifths
of
all
the
cells
in
the
electric
eel’
s
body
are
specialize
d
for
generating
electricity,
and
the
strength
of
the
shock
it
can
deliver
c
orresponds
roughly
to
length
of
its
body.
The
Beginning
of
Drama
There
are
many
theories
about
the
beginning
of
drama
in
ancient
Gre
ece.
The
on
most
widely
accepted
today
is
based
on
the
assumption
that
drama
evolved
from
ritual.
The
argument
for
this
view
goes
as
follows.
In
the
beginning,
human
beings
viewed
the
natural
forces
of
the
world-e
ven
the
seasonal
changes-as
unpredictable,
and
they
sought
through
vari
ous
means
to
control
these
unknown
and
feared
powers.
Those
measures
which
appeared
to
bring
the
desired
results
were
then
retained
and
rep
eated
until
they
hardened
into
fixed
rituals.
Eventually
stories
arose
which
explained
or
veiled
the
mysteries
of
the
rites.
As
time
passed
some
ritu
als
were
abandoned,
but
the
stories,
later
called
myths,
persisted
and
pr
ovided
material
for
art
and
drama.
Those
who
believe
that
drama
evolved
out
of
ritual
also
argue
that
t
hose
rites
contained
the
seed
of
theater
because
music,
dance,
masks,
a
nd
costumes
were
almost
always
used,
Furthermore,
a
suitable
site
had
t
o
be
provided
for
performances
and
when
the
entire
community
did
not
participate,
a
clear
division
was
usually
made
between
the
area
and
the
In
addition,
there
were
performers,
and,
since
cons
iderable
importance
was
attached
to
avoiding
mistakes
in
the
enactment
of
rites,
religious
leaders
usually
assumed
that
task.
Wearing
masks
and
costumes,
they
often
impersonated
other
people,
animals,
or
supernatural
beings,
and
mimed
the
desired
effect-success
in
hunt
or
battle,
the
comi
ng
rain,
the
revival
of
the
Sun-as
an
actor
might.
Eventually
such
dramat
ic
representations
were
separated
from
religious
activities.
Another
theory
traces
the
theater''s
origin
from
the
human
interest
in
storytelling.
According
to
this
vies
tales
(about
the
hunt,
war,
or
other
f
eats)
are
gradually
elaborated,
at
first
through
the
use
of
impersonation,
action,
and
dialogue
by
a
narrator
and
then
through
the
assumption
of
e
ach
of
the
roles
by
a
different
person.
A
closely
related
theory
traces
the
ater
to
those
dances
that
are
primarily
rhythmical
and
gymnastic
or
that
are
imitations
of
animal
movements
and
sounds.
Television
Television-----the
most
pervasive
and
persuasive
of
modern
technologi
es,
marked
by
rapid
change
and
growth-is
moving
into
a
new
era,
an
er
a
of
extraordinary
sophistication
and
versatility,
which
promises
to
reshap
e
our
lives
and
our
world.
It
is
an
electronic
revolution
of
sorts,
made
p
ossible
by
the
marriage
of
television
and
computer
technologies.
The
word
derived
from
its
Greek
(tele:
distant)
and
Latin
(visio:
sight)
roots,
can
literally
be
interpreted
as
sight
from
a
distance.
Very
simply
put,
it
works
in
this
way:
through
a
sophisticated
system
of
electronics,
television
provides
the
capability
of
converting
an
image
(focu
sed
on
a
special
photoconductive
plate
within
a
camera)
into
electronic
i
mpulses,
which
can
be
sent
through
a
wire
or
cable.
These
impulses,
wh
en
fed
into
a
receiver
(television
set),
can
then
be
electronically
reconstit
uted
into
that
same
image.
Television
is
more
than
just
an
electronic
system,
however.
It
is
a
m
eans
of
expression,
as
well
as
a
vehicle
for
communication,
and
as
such
becomes
a
powerful
tool
for
reaching
other
human
beings.
The
field
of
television
can
be
divided
into
two
categories
determined
by
its
means
of
transmission.
First,
there
is
broadcast
television,
which
re
aches
the
masses
through
broad-based
airwave
transmission
of
television
signals.
Second,
there
is
nonbroadcast
television,
which
provides
for
the
n
eeds
of
individuals
or
specific
interest
groups
through
controlled
transmiss
ion
techniques.
Traditionally,
television
has
been
a
medium
of
the
masses.
We
are
m
ost
familiar
with
broadcast
television
because
it
has
been
with
us
for
abo
ut
thirty-
seven
years
in
a
form
similar
to
what
exists
today.
During
those
years,
it
has
been
controlled,
for
the
most
part,
by
the
broadcast
netwo
rks,
ABC,
NBC,
and
CBS,
who
have
been
the
major
purveyors
of
news,
i
nformation,
and
entertainment.
These
giants
of
broadcasting
have
actually
shaped
not
only
television
but
our
perception
of
it
as
well.
We
have
co
me
to
look
upon
the
picture
tube
as
a
source
of
entertainment,
placing
o
ur
role
in
this
dynamic
medium
as
the
passive
viewer.
Andrew
Carnegie
Andrew
Carnegie,
known
as
the
King
of
Steel,
built
the
steel
industry
in
the
United
States,
and
,
in
the
process,
became
one
of
the
wealthies
t
men
in
America.
His
success
resulted
in
part
from
his
ability
to
sell
the
product
and
in
part
from
his
policy
of
expanding
during
periods
of
econ
omic
decline,
when
most
of
his
competitors
were
reducing
their
investme
nts.
Carnegie
believed
that
individuals
should
progress
through
hard
work,
but
he
also
felt
strongly
that
the
wealthy
should
use
their
fortunes
for
t
he
benefit
of
society.
He
opposed
charity,
preferring
instead
to
provide
e
ducational
opportunities
that
would
allow
others
to
help
themselves.
who
dies
rich,
dies
disgraced,
he
often
said.
Among
his
more
noteworthy
contributions
to
society
are
those
that
b
ear
his
name,
including
the
Carnegie
Institute
of
Pittsburgh,
which
has
a
library,
a
museum
of
fine
arts,
and
a
museum
of
national
history.
He
als
o
founded
a
school
of
technology
that
is
now
part
of
Carnegie-
Mellon
Uni
versity.
Other
philanthrophic
gifts
are
the
Carnegie
Endowment
for
Intern
ational
Peace
to
promote
understanding
between
nations,
the
Carnegie
In
stitute
of
Washington
to
fund
scientific
research,
and
Carnegie
Hall
to
pro
vide
a
center
for
the
arts.
Few
Americans
have
been
left
untouched
by
Andrew
Carnegie''s
gener
osity.
His
contributions
of
more
than
five
million
dollars
established
2,500
libraries
in
small
communities
throughout
the
country
and
formed
the
nu
cleus
of
the
public
library
system
that
we
all
enjoy
today.
American
Revolution
The
American
Revolution
was
not
a
sudden
and
violent
overturning
of
the
political
and
social
framework,
such
as
later
occurred
in
France
and
Russia,
when
both
were
already
independent
nations.
Significant
changes
were
ushered
in,
but
they
were
not
breathtaking.
What
happened
was
ac
celerated
evolution
rather
than
outright
revolution.
During
the
conflict
itsel
f
people
went
on
working
and
praying,
marrying
and
playing.
Most
of
the
m
were
not
seriously
disturbed
by
the
actual
fighting,
and
many
of
the
more
isolated
communities
scarcely
knew
that
a
war
was
on.
America''s
War
of
Independence
heralded
the
birth
of
three
modern
n
ations.
One
was
Canada,
which
received
its
first
large
influx
of
English-sp
eaking
population
from
the
thousands
of
loyalists
who
fled
there
from
the
United
States.
Another
was
Australia,
which
became
a
penal
colony
now
that
America
was
no
longer
available
for
prisoners
and
debtors.
The
thir
d
newcomer-
the
United
States-based
itself
squarely
on
republican
principle
s.
Yet
even
the
political
overturn
was
not
so
revolutionary
as
one
might
suppose.
In
some
states,
notably
Connecticut
and
Rhode
Island,
the
war
largely
ratified
a
colonial
self-rule
already
existing.
British
officials,
every
where
ousted,
were
replaced
by
a
home-grown
governing
class,
which
pr
omptly
sought
a
local
substitute
for
king
and
Parliament.
Suburbanization
If
by
is
meant
an
urban
margin
that
grows
more
rapidly
tha
n
its
already
developed
interior,
the
process
of
suburbanization
began
dur
ing
the
emergence
of
the
industrial
city
in
the
second
quarter
of
the
nin
eteenth
century.
Before
that
period
the
city
was
a
small
highly
compact
c
luster
in
which
people
moved
about
on
foot
and
goods
were
conveyed
b
y
horse
and
cart.
But
the
early
factories
built
in
the
1840''s
were
located
along
waterways
and
near
railheads
at
the
edges
of
cities,
and
housing
was
needed
for
the
thousands
of
people
drawn
by
the
prospect
of
emplo
yment.
In
time,
the
factories
were
surrounded
by
proliferating
mill
towns
of
apartments
and
row
houses
that
abutted
the
older,
main
cities.
As
a
d
efense
against
this
encroachment
and
to
enlarge
their
tax
bases,
the
citie
s
appropriated
their
industrial
neighbors.
In
1854,
for
example,
the
city
o
f
Philadelphia
annexed
most
of
Philadelphia
County.
Similar
municipal
man
euvers
took
place
in
Chicago
and
in
New
York.
Indeed,
most
great
cities
of
the
United
States
achieved
such
status
only
by
incorporating
the
com
munities
along
their
borders.
With
the
acceleration
of
industrial
growth
came
acute
urban
crowding
and
accompanying
social
stress-conditions
that
began
to
approach
disastr
ous
proportions
when,
in
1888,
the
first
commercially
successful
electric
t
raction
line
was
developed.
Within
a
few
years
the
horse-
drawn
trolleys
were
retired
and
electric
streetcar
networks
crisscrossed
and
connected
e
very
major
urban
area,
fostering
a
wave
of
suburbanization
that
transfor
med
the
compact
industrial
city
into
a
dispersed
metropolis.
This
first
pha
se
of
mass-scale
suburbanization
was
reinforced
by
the
simultaneous
eme
rgence
of
the
urban
Middle
Class,
whose
desires
for
homeownership
in
n
eighborhoods
far
from
the
aging
inner
city
were
satisfied
by
the
develope
rs
of
single-family
housing
tracts.
Types
of
Speech
Standard
usage
includes
those
words
and
expressions
understood,
use
d,
and
accepted
by
a
majority
of
the
speakers
of
a
language
in
any
situ
ation
regardless
of
the
level
of
formality.
As
such,
these
words
and
expre
ssions
are
well
defined
and
listed
in
standard
dictionaries.
Colloquialisms,
on
the
other
hand,
are
familiar
words
and
idioms
that
are
understood
by
almost
all
speakers
of
a
language
and
used
in
informal
speech
or
writin
g,
but
not
considered
appropriate
for
more
formal
situations.
Almost
all
i
diomatic
expressions
are
colloquial
language.
Slang,
however,
refers
to
w
ords
and
expressions
understood
by
a
large
number
of
speakers
but
not
accepted
as
good,
formal
usage
by
the
majority.
Colloquial
expressions
a
nd
even
slang
may
be
found
in
standard
dictionaries
but
will
be
so
identi
fied.
Both
colloquial
usage
and
slang
are
more
common
in
speech
than
i
n
writing.
Colloquial
speech
often
passes
into
standard
speech.
Some
slang
also
passes
into
standard
speech,
but
other
slang
expressions
enjoy
moment
ary
popularity
followed
by
obscurity.
In
some
cases,
the
majority
never
a
ccepts
certain
slang
phrases
but
nevertheless
retains
them
in
their
collecti
ve
memories.
Every
generation
seems
to
require
its
own
set
of
words
to
describe
familiar
objects
and
events.
It
has
been
pointed
out
by
a
numb
er
of
linguists
that
three
cultural
conditions
are
necessary
for
the
creation
of
a
large
body
of
slang
expressions.
First,
the
introduction
and
accepta
nce
of
new
objects
and
situations
in
the
society;
second,
a
diverse
popul
ation
with
a
large
number
of
subgroups;
third,
association
among
the
su
bgroups
and
the
majority
population.
Finally,
it
is
worth
noting
that
the
terms
and
lang
exist
only
as
abstract
labels
for
scholars
who
study
language.
Only
a
tiny
number
of
the
speakers
of
any
language
will
be
aware
that
they
a
re
using
colloquial
or
slang
expressions.
Most
speakers
of
English
will,
du
ring
appropriate
situations,
select
and
use
all
three
types
of
expressions.
Archaeology
Archaeology
is
a
source
of
history,
not
just
a
bumble
auxiliary
discipli
ne.
Archaeological
data
are
historical
documents
in
their
own
right,
not
m
ere
illustrations
to
written
texts,
Just
as
much
as
any
other
historian,
an
archaeologist
studies
and
tries
to
reconstitute
the
process
that
has
create
d
the
human
world
in
which
we
live
-
and
us
ourselves
in
so
far
as
we
are
each
creatures
of
our
age
and
social
environment.
Archaeological
dat
a
are
all
changes
in
the
material
world
resulting
from
human
action
or,
more
succinctly,
the
fossilized
results
of
human
behavior.
The
sum
total
o
f
these
constitutes
what
may
be
called
the
archaeological
record.
This
rec
ord
exhibits
certain
peculiarities
and
deficiencies
the
consequences
of
whi
ch
produce
a
rather
superficial
contrast
between
archaeological
history
an
d
the
more
familiar
kind
based
upon
written
records.
Not
all
human
behavior
fossilizes.
The
words
I
utter
and
you
hear
as
vibrations
in
the
air
are
certainly
human
changes
in
the
material
world
and
may
be
of
great
historical
significance.
Yet
they
leave
no
sort
of
trac
e
in
the
archaeological
records
unless
they
are
captured
by
a
dictaphone
or
written
down
by
a
clerk.
The
movement
of
troops
on
the
battlefield
may
the
course
of
history,
but
this
is
equally
ephemeral
from
t
he
archaeologist''s
standpoint.
What
is
perhaps
worse,
most
organic
mate
rials
are
perishable.
Everything
made
of
wood,
hide,
wool,
linen,
grass,
h
air,
and
similar
materials
will
decay
and
vanish
in
dust
in
a
few
years
or
centuries,
save
under
very
exceptional
conditions.
In
a
relatively
brief
pe
riod
the
archaeological
record
is
reduce
to
mere
scraps
of
stone,
bone,
gl
ass,
metal,
and
earthenware.
Still
modern
archaeology,
by
applying
appro
priate
techniques
and
comparative
methods,
aided
by
a
few
lucky
finds
fr
om
peat-bogs,
deserts,
and
frozen
soils,
is
able
to
fill
up
a
good
deal
of
the
gap.
Museums
From
Boston
to
Los
Angeles,
from
New
York
City
to
Chicago
to
Dalla
s,
museums
are
either
planning,
building,
or
wrapping
up
wholesale
expa
nsion
programs.
These
programs
already
have
radically
altered
facades
an
d
floor
plans
or
are
expected
to
do
so
in
the
not-too-distant
future.
In
New
York
City
alone,
six
major
institutions
have
spread
up
and
ou
t
into
the
air
space
and
neighborhoods
around
them
or
are
preparing
to
do
so.
The
reasons
for
this
confluence
of
activity
are
complex,
but
one
facto
r
is
a
consideration
everywhere
-
space.
With
collections
expanding,
with
the
needs
and
functions
of
museums
changing,
empty
space
has
become
a
very
precious
commodity.
Probably
nowhere
in
the
country
is
this
more
true
than
at
the
Philade
lphia
Museum
of
Art,
which
has
needed
additional
space
for
decades
and
which
received
its
last
significant
facelift
ten
years
ago.
Because
of
the
space
crunch,
the
Art
Museum
has
become
increasingly
cautious
in
consid
ering
acquisitions
and
donations
of
art,
in
some
cases
passing
up
opportu
nities
to
strengthen
its
collections.
Deaccessing
-
or
selling
off
-
works
of
art
has
taken
on
new
importa
nce
because
of
the
museum''s
space
problems.
And
increasingly,
curators
have
been
forced
to
juggle
gallery
space,
rotating
one
masterpiece
into
public
view
while
another
is
sent
to
storage.
Despite
the
clear
need
for
additional
gallery
and
storage
space,
howe
ver,
the
museum
has
no
plan,
no
plan
to
break
out
of
its
envelope
in
t
he
next
fifteen
years,
according
to
Philadelphia
Museum
of
Art''s
preside
nt.
Skyscrapers
and
Environment
In
the
late
1960''s,
many
people
in
North
America
turned
their
attenti
on
to
environmental
problems,
and
new
steel-
and-glass
skyscrapers
were
widely
criticized.
Ecologists
pointed
out
that
a
cluster
of
tall
buildings
in
a
city
often
overburdens
public
transportation
and
parking
lot
capacities.
Skyscrapers
are
also
lavish
consumers,
and
wasters,
of
electric
power.
In
one
recent
year,
the
addition
of
17
million
square
feet
of
skyscraper
office
space
in
New
York
City
raised
the
peak
daily
demand
for
electricity
by
120,
000
kilowatts-enough
to
supply
the
entire
city
of
Albany,
New
Y
ork,
for
a
day.
Glass-walled
skyscrapers
can
be
especially
wasteful.
The
heat
loss
(or
gain)through
a
wall
of
half-inch
plate
glass
is
more
than
ten
times
that
through
a
typical
masonry
wall
filled
with
insulation
board.
To
lessen
the
strain
on
heating
and
air-conditioning
equipment,
builders
of
skyscrapers
have
begun
to
use
double-glazed
panels
of
glass,
and
reflective
glasses
c
oated
with
silver
or
gold
mirror
films
that
reduce
glare
as
well
as
heat
g
ain.
However,
mirror-walled
skyscrapers
raise
the
temperature
of
the
surr
ounding
air
and
affect
neighboring
buildings.
Skyscrapers
put
a
severe
strain
on
a
city''s
sanitation
facilities,
too.
If
fully
occupied,
the
two
World
Trade
Center
towers
in
New
York
City
wo
uld
alone
generate
2.25
million
gallons
of
raw
sewage
each
year-as
much
as
a
city
the
size
of
Stanford,
Connecticut
,
which
has
a
population
of
more
than
109,
000.
A
Rare
Fossil
Record
The
preservation
of
embryos
and
juveniles
is
a
rate
occurrence
in
the
fossil
record.
The
tiny,
delicate
skeletons
are
usually
scattered
by
scaven
gers
or
destroyed
by
weathering
before
they
can
be
fossilized.
Ichthyosau
rs
had
a
higher
chance
of
being
preserved
than
did
terrestrial
creatures
because,
as
marine
animals,
they
tended
to
live
in
environments
less
sub
ject
to
erosion.
Still,
their
fossilization
required
a
suite
of
factors:
a
slow
rate
of
decay
of
soft
tissues,
little
scavenging
by
other
animals,
a
lack
of
swift
currents
and
waves
to
jumble
and
carry
away
small
bones,
and
fai
rly
rapid
burial.
Given
these
factors,
some
areas
have
become
a
treasury
of
well-preserved
ichthyosaur
fossils.
The
deposits
at
Holzmaden,
Germany,
present
an
interesting
case
for
analysis.
The
ichthyosaur
remains
are
found
in
black,
bituminous
marine
s
hales
deposited
about
190
million
years
ago.
Over
the
years,
thousands
o
f
specimens
of
marine
reptiles,
fish
and
invertebrates
have
been
recovere
d
from
these
rocks.
The
quality
of
preservation
is
outstanding,
but
what
i
s
even
more
impressive
is
the
number
of
ichthyosaur
fossils
containing
pr
eserved
embryos.
Ichthyosaurs
with
embryos
have
been
reported
from
6
different
levels
of
the
shale
in
a
small
area
around
Holzmaden,
suggestin
g
that
a
specific
site
was
used
by
large
numbers
of
ichthyosaurs
repeate
dly
over
time.
The
embryos
are
quite
advanced
in
their
physical
develop
ment;
their
paddles,
for
example,
are
already
well
formed.
One
specimen
is
even
preserved
in
the
birth
canal.
In
addition,
the
shale
contains
the
remains
of
many
newborns
that
are
between
20
and
30
inches
long.
Why
are
there
so
many
pregnant
females
and
young
at
Holzmaden
w
hen
they
are
so
rare
elsewhere?
The
quality
of
preservation
is
almost
un
matched
and
quarry
operations
have
been
carried
out
carefully
with
an
a
wareness
of
the
value
of
the
fossils.
But
these
factors
do
not
account
for
the
interesting
question
of
how
there
came
to
be
such
a
concentration
of
pregnant
ichthyosaurs
in
a
particular
place
very
close
to
their
time
of
giving
birth.
The
Nobel
Academy
For
the
last
82years,
Sweden''s
Nobel
Academy
has
decided
who
will
receive
the
Nobel
Prize
in
Literature,
thereby
determining
who
will
be
ele
vated
from
the
great
and
the
near
great
to
the
immortal.
But
today
the
Academy
is
coming
under
heavy
criticism
both
from
the
without
and
from
within.
Critics
contend
that
the
selection
of
the
winners
often
has
less
t
o
do
with
true
writing
ability
than
with
the
peculiar
internal
politics
of
th
e
Academy
and
of
Sweden
itself.
According
to
Ingmar
Bjorksten
,
the
cul
tural
editor
for
one
of
the
country''s
two
major
newspapers,
the
prize
co
ntinues
to
represent
people
call
a
very
Swedish
exercise:
reflecting
Swedish
tastes.
The
Academy
has
defended
itself
against
such
charges
of
provincialis
m
in
its
selection
by
asserting
that
its
physical
distance
from
the
great
lit
erary
capitals
of
the
world
actually
serves
to
protect
the
Academy
from
o
utside
influences.
This
may
well
be
true,
but
critics
respond
that
this
ver
y
distance
may
also
be
responsible
for
the
Academy''s
inability
to
perceiv
e
accurately
authentic
trends
in
the
literary
world.
Regardless
of
concerns
over
the
selection
process,
however,
it
seems
that
the
prize
will
continue
to
survive
both
as
an
indicator
of
the
literatur
e
that
we
most
highly
praise,
and
as
an
elusive
goal
that
writers
seek.
If
for
no
other
reason,
the
prize
will
continue
to
be
desirable
for
the
finan
cial
rewards
that
accompany
it;
not
only
is
the
cash
prize
itself
considera
ble,
but
it
also
dramatically
increases
sales
of
an
author''s
books.
the
war
between
Britain
and
France
In
the
late
eighteenth
century,
battles
raged
in
almost
every
corner
o
f
Europe,
as
well
as
in
the
Middle
East,
south
Africa
,the
West
Indies,
an
d
Latin
America.
In
reality,
however,
there
was
only
one
major
war
durin
g
this
time,
the
war
between
Britain
and
France.
All
other
battles
were
a
ncillary
to
this
larger
conflict,
and
were
often
at
least
partially
related
to
its
antagonist’
goals
and
strategies.
France
sought
to
tal
domination
of
Eur
ope .
this
goal
was
obstructed
by
British
independence
and
Britain’s
effor
ts
throughout
the
continent
to
thwart
Napoleon;
through
treaties.
Britain
built
coalitions
(not
dissimilar
in
concept
to
today’s
NATO)
guaranteeing
B
ritish
participation
in
all
major
European
conflicts.
These
two
antagonists
were
poorly
matched,
insofar
as
they
had
very
unequal
strengths;
France
was
predominant
on
land,
Britain
at
sea.
The
French
knew
that,
short
o
f
defeating
the
British
navy,
their
only
hope
of
victory
was
to
close
all
th
e
ports
of
Europe
to
British
ships.
Accordingly,
France
set
out
to
overcom
e
Britain
by
extending
its
military
domination
from
Moscow
t
Lisbon,
from
Jutland
to
Calabria.
All
of
this
entailed
tremendous
risk,
because
France
did
not
have
the
military
resources
to
control
this
much
territory
and
still
protect
itself
and
maintain
order
at
home.
French
strategists
calculated
that
a
navy
of
150
ships
would
provide
t
he
force
necessary
to
defeat
the
British
navy.
Such
a
force
would
give
Fr
ance
a
three-to-two
advantage
over
Britain.
This
advantage
was
deemed
necessary
because
of
Britain’s
superior
sea
skills
and
technology
because
of
Britain’s
superior
sea
skills
and
technology,
and
also
because
Britain
w
ould
be
fighting
a
defensive
war,
allowing
it
to
win
with
fewer
forces.
Na
poleon
never
lost
substantial
impediment
to
his
control
of
Europe.
As
his
force
neared
that
goal,
Napoleon
grew
increasingly
impatient
and
began
planning
an
immediate
attack.
Evolution
of
sleep
Sleep
is
very
ancient.
In
the
electroencephalographic
sense
we
share
it
with
all
the
primates
and
almost
all
the
other
mammals
and
birds:
it
may
extend
back
as
far
as
the
reptiles.
There
is
some
evidence
that
the
two
types
of
sleep,
dreaming
and
dr
eamless,
depend
on
the
life-style
of
the
animal,
and
that
predators
are
st
atistically
much
more
likely
to
dream
than
prey,
which
are
in
turn
much
more
likely
to
experience
dreamless
sleep.
In
dream
sleep,
the
animal
is
powerfully
immobilized
and
remarkably
unresponsive
to
external
stimuli.
D
reamless
sleep
is
much
shallower,
and
we
have
all
witnessed
cats
or
dog
s
cocking
their
ears
to
a
sound
when
apparently
fast
asleep.
The
fact
th
at
deep
dream
sleep
is
rare
among
pray
today
seems
clearly
to
be
a
pro
duct
of
natural
selection,
and
it
makes
sense
that
today,
when
sleep
is
h
ighly
evolved,
the
stupid
animals
are
less
frequently
immobilized
by
deep
sleep
than
the
smart
ones.
But
why
should
they
sleep
deeply
at
all?
Wh
y
should
a
state
of
such
deep
immobilization
ever
have
evolved?
Perhaps
one
useful
hint
about
the
original
function
of
sleep
is
to
be
f
ound
in
the
fact
that
dolphins
and
whales
and
aquatic
mammals
in
gener
a
seem
to
sleep
very
little.
There
is,
by
and
large,
no
place
to
hide
in
t
he
ocean.
Could
it
be
that,
rather
than
increasing
an
animal’s
vulnerabilit
y,
the
University
of
Florida
and
Ray
Meddis
of
London
University
have
su
ggested
this
to
be
the
case.
It
is
conceivable
that
animals
who
are
too
s
tupid
to
be
quite
on
their
own
initiative
are,
during
periods
of
high
risk,
i
mmobilized
by
the
implacable
arm
of
sleep.
The
point
seems
particularly
clear
for
the
young
of
predatory
animals.
This
is
an
interesting
notion
an
d
probably
at
least
partly
true.
Modern
American
Universities
Before
the
1850’s,
the
United
States
had
a
number
of
small
colleges,
most
of
them
dating
from
colonial
days.
They
were
small,
church
conne
cted
institutions
whose
primary
concern
was
to
shape
the
moral
character
of
their
students.
Throughout
Europe,
institutions
of
higher
learning
had
developed,
bea
ring
the
ancient
name
of
university.
In
German
university
was
concerned
primarily
with
creating
and
spreading
knowledge,
not
morals.
Between
mi
d-
century
and
the
end
of
the
1800’s,
more
than
nine
thousand
young
A
mericans,
dissatisfied
with
their
training
at
home,
went
to
Germany
for
a
dvanced
study.
Some
of
them
return
to
become
presidents
of
venerable
colleges-----
Harvard,
Yale,
Columbia---
and
transform
them
into
modern
uni
versities.
The
new
presidents
broke
all
ties
with
the
churches
and
brough
t
in
a
new
kind
of
faculty.
Professors
were
hired
for
their
knowledge
of
a
subject,
not
because
they
were
of
the
proper
faith
and
had
a
strong
a
rm
for
disciplining
students.
The
new
principle
was
that
a
university
was
to
create
knowledge
as
well
as
pass
it
on,
and
this
called
for
a
faculty
c
omposed
of
teacher-scholars.
Drilling
and
learning
by
rote
were
replaced
by
the
German
method
of
lecturing,
in
which
the
professor’s
own
researc
h
was
presented
in
class.
Graduate
training
leading
to
the
Ph.D.,
an
anci
ent
German
degree
signifying
the
highest
level
of
advanced
scholarly
attai
nment,
was
introduced.
With
the
establishment
of
the
seminar
system,
gr
aduate
student
learned
to
question,
analyze,
and
conduct
their
own
resea
rch.
At
the
same
time,
the
new
university
greatly
expanded
in
size
and
co
urse
offerings,
breaking
completely
out
of
the
old,
constricted
curriculum
of
mathematics,
classics,
rhetoric,
and
music.
The
president
of
Harvard
pi
oneered
the
elective
system,
by
which
students
were
able
to
choose
their
own
course
of
study.
The
notion
of
major
fields
of
study
emerged.
The
new
goal
was
to
make
the
university
relevant
to
the
real
pursuits
of
the
world.
Paying
close
heed
to
the
practical
needs
of
society,
the
new
unive
rsities
trained
men
and
women
to
work
at
its
tasks,
with
engineering
stu
dents
being
the
most
characteristic
of
the
new
regime.
Students
were
als
o
trained
as
economists,
architects,
agriculturalists,
social
welfare
workers,
and
teachers.
children’s
numerical
skills
people
appear
to
born
to
compute.
The
numerical
skills
of
children
de
velop
so
early
and
so
inexorably
that
it
is
easy
to
imagine
an
internal
clo
ck
of
mathematical
maturity
guiding
their
growth.
Not
long
after
learning
to
walk
and
talk,
they
can
set
the
table
with
impress
accuracy---one
knif
e,
one
spoon,
one
fork,
for
each
of
the
five
chairs.
Soon
they
are
capabl
e
of
nothing
that
they
have
placed
five
knives,
spoons
and
forks
on
the
table
and,
a
bit
later,
that
this
amounts
to
fifteen
pieces
of
silverware.
H
aving
thus
mastered
addition,
they
move
on
to
subtraction.
It
seems
alm
ost
reasonable
to
expect
that
if
a
child
were
secluded
on
a
desert
island
at
birth
and
retrieved
seven
years
later,
he
or
she
could
enter
a
second
enter
a
second-grade
mathematics
class
without
any
serious
problems
of
intellectual
adjustment.
Of
course,
the
truth
is
not
so
simple.
This
century,
the
work
of
cogni
tive
psychologists
has
illuminated
the
subtle
forms
of
daily
learning
on
w
hich
intellectual
progress
depends.
Children
were
observed
as
they
slowly
grasped-----or,
as
the
case
might
be,
bumped
into
-----concepts
that
adul
ts
take
for
quantity
is
unchanged
as
water
pours
from
a
short
glass
into
a
tall
thin
one.
Psychologists
have
since
demonstrated
that
young
childre
n,
asked
to
count
the
pencils
in
a
pile,
readily
report
the
number
of
blue
or
red
pencils,
but
must
be
coaxed
into
finding
the
total.
Such
studies
h
ave
suggested
that
the
rudiments
of
mathematics
are
mastered
gradually,
and
with
effort.
They
have
also
suggested
that
the
very
concept
of
abst
ract
numbers------the
idea
of
a
oneness,
a
twoness,
a
threeness
that
appl
ies
to
any
class
of
objects
and
is
a
prerequisite
for
doing
anything
more
mathematically
demanding
than
setting
a
table-----is
itself
far
from
innate
The
Historical
Significance
of
American
Revolution
The
ways
of
history
are
so
intricate
and
the
motivations
of
human
ac
tions
so
complex
that
it
is
always
hazardous
to
attempt
to
represent
eve
nts
covering
a
number
of
years,
a
multiplicity
of
persons,
and
distant
loc
alities
as
the
expression
of
one
intellectual
or
social
movement;
yet
the
h
istorical
process
which
culminated
in
the
ascent
of
Thomas
Jefferson
to
t
he
presidency
can
be
regarded
as
the
outstanding
example
not
only
of
t
he
birth
of
a
new
way
of
life
but
of
nationalism
as
a
new
way
of
life.
T
he
American
Revolution
represents
the
link
between
the
seventeenth
cent
ury,
in
which
modern
England
became
conscious
of
itself,
and
the
awak
ening
of
modern
Europe
at
the
end
of
the
eighteenth
century.
It
may
se
em
strange
that
the
march
of
history
should
have
had
to
cross
the
Atlan
tic
Ocean,
but
only
in
the
North
American
colonies
could
a
struggle
for
civic
liberty
lead
also
to
the
foundation
of
a
new
nation.
Here,
in
the
po
pular
rising
against
a
―tyrannical‖
government,
the
fruits
were
more
than
the
securing
of
a
freer
constitution.
They
included
the
growth
of
a
nation
born
in
liberty
by
the
will
of
the
people,
not
from
the
roots
of
common
descent,
a
geographic
entity,
or
the
ambitions
of
king
or
dynasty.
With
the
American
nation,
for
the
first
time,
a
nation
was
born,
not
in
the
di
m
past
of
history
but
before
the
eyes
of
the
whole
world.
The
Origin
of
Sports
When
did
sport
begin?
If
sport
is,
in
essence,
play,
the
claim
might
be
made
that
sport
is
much
older
than
humankind,
for
,
as
we
all
have
observed,
the
beasts
play.
Dogs
and
cats
wrestle
and
play
ball
games.
Fi
shes
and
birds
dance.
The
apes
have
simple,
pleasurable
games.
Frolickin
g
infants,
school
children
playing
tag,
and
adult
arm
wrestlers
are
demon
strating
strong,
transgenerational
and
transspecies
bonds
with
the
univers
e
of
animals
–
past,
present,
and
future.
Young
animals,
particularly,
tum
ble,
chase,
run
wrestle,
mock,
imitate,
and
laugh
(or
so
it
seems)
to
the
point
of
delighted
exhaustion.
Their
play,
and
ours,
appears
to
serve
no
other
purpose
than
to
give
pleasure
to
the
players,
and
apparently,
to
r
emove
us
temporarily
from
the
anguish
of
life
in
earnest.
Some
philosophers
have
claimed
that
our
playfulness
is
the
most
no
ble
part
of
our
basic
nature.
In
their
generous
conceptions,
play
harmless
ly
and
experimentally
permits
us
to
put
our
creative
forces,
fantasy,
and
imagination
into
action.
Play
is
release
from
the
tedious
battles
against
sc
arcity
and
decline
which
are
the
incessant,
and
inevitable,
tragedies
of
lif
e.
This
is
a
grand
conception
that
excites
and
provokes.
The
holders
of
t
his
view
claim
that
the
origins
of
our
highest
accomplishments
----
liturgy,
literature,
and
law
----
can
be
traced
to
a
play
impulse
which,
paradoxic
ally,
we
see
most
purely
enjoyed
by
young
beasts
and
children.
Our
spor
ts,
in
this
rather
happy,
nonfatalistic
view
of
human
nature,
are
more
spl
endid
creations
of
the
nondatable,
transspecies
play
impulse.
Collectibles
Collectibles
have
been
a
part
of
almost
every
culture
since
ancient
ti
mes.
Whereas
some
objects
have
been
collected
for
their
usefulness,
oth
ers
have
been
selected
for
their
aesthetic
beauty
alone.
In
the
United
St
ates,
the
kinds
of
collectibles
currently
popular
range
from
traditional
obje
cts
such
as
stamps,
coins,
rare
books,
and
art
to
more
recent
items
of
i
nterest
like
dolls,
bottles,
baseball
cards,
and
comic
books.
Interest
in
collectibles
has
increased
enormously
during
the
past
deca
de,
in
part
because
some
collectibles
have
demonstrated
their
value
as
in
vestments.
Especially
during
cycles
of
high
inflation,
investors
try
to
purch
ase
tangibles
that
will
at
least
retain
their
current
market
values.
In
gene
ral,
the
most
traditional
collectibles
will
be
sought
because
they
have
pre
served
their
value
over
the
years,
there
is
an
organized
auction
market
f
or
them,
and
they
are
most
easily
sold
in
the
event
that
cash
is
needed.
Some
examples
of
the
most
stable
collectibles
are
old
masters,
Chinese
ceramics,
stamps,
coins,
rare
books,
antique
jewelry,
silver,
porcelain,
art
by
well-known
artists,
autographs,
and
period
furniture.
Other
items
of
more
recent
interest
include
old
photograph
records,
old
magazines,
post
cards,
baseball
cards,
art
glass,
dolls,
classic
cars,
old
bottles,
and
comic
books.
These
relatively
new
kinds
of
collectibles
may
actually
appreciate
f
aster
as
short-term
investments,
but
may
not
hold
their
value
as
long-ter
m
investments.
Once
a
collectible
has
had
its
initial
play,
it
appreciates
a
t
a
fairly
steady
rate,
supported
by
an
increasing
number
of
enthusiastic
collectors
competing
for
the
limited
supply
of
collectibles
that
become
incr
easingly
more
difficult
to
locate.
Ford
Although
Henry
Ford’s
name
is
closely
associated
with
the
concept
of
mass
production,
he
should
receive
equal
credit
for
introducing
labor
pra
ctices
as
early
as
1913
that
would
be
considered
advanced
even
by
toda
y’s
standards.
Safety
measures
were
improved,
and
the
work
day
was
re
duced
to
eight
hours,
compared
with
the
ten-or
twelve-hour
day
common
at
the
time.
In
order
to
accommodate
the
shorter
work
day,
the
entire
factory
was
converted
from
two
to
three
shifts.
In
addition,
sick
leaves
as
well
as
improved
medical
care
for
those
inj
ured
on
the
job
were
instituted.
The
Ford
Motor
Company
was
one
of
th
e
first
factories
to
develop
a
technical
school
to
train
specialized
skilled
la
borers
and
an
English
language
school
for
immigrants.
Some
efforts
were
even
made
to
hire
the
handicapped
and
provide
jobs
for
former
convict
s.
The
most
widely
acclaimed
innovation
was
the
five-
dollar-a-day
minim
um
wage
that
was
offered
in
order
to
recruit
and
retain
the
best
mechan
ics
and
to
discourage
the
growth
of
labor
unions.
Ford
explained
the
new
wage
policy
in
terms
of
efficiency
and
profit
sharing.
He
also
mentioned
the
fact
that
his
employees
would
be
able
to
purchase
the
automobiles
that
they
produced
–
in
effect
creating
a
market
for
the
product.
In
orde
r
to
qualify
for
the
minimum
wage,
an
employee
had
to
establish
a
dece
nt
home
and
demonstrate
good
personal
habits,
including
sobriety,
thriftin
ess,
industriousness,
and
dependability.
Although
some
criticism
was
direc
ted
at
Ford
for
involving
himself
too
much
in
the
personal
lives
of
his
e
mployees,
there
can
be
no
doubt
that,
at
a
time
when
immigrants
were
being
taken
advantage
of
in
frightful
ways,
Henry
Ford
was
helping
many
people
to
establish
themselves
in
America.
Piano
The
ancestry
of
the
piano
can
be
traced
to
the
early
keyboard
instru
ments
of
the
fifteenth
and
sixteenth
centuries
---
the
spinet,
the
dulcimer,
and
the
virginal.
In
the
seventeenth
century
the
organ,
the
clavichord,
a
nd
the
harpsichord
became
the
chief
instruments
of
the
keyboard
group,
a
supremacy
they
maintained
until
the
piano
supplanted
them
at
the
end
of
the
eighteenth
century.
The
clavichord’s
tone
was
metallic
and
never
powerful;
nevertheless,
because
of
the
variety
of
tone
possible
to
it,
man
y
composers
found
the
clavichord
a
sympathetic
instrument
for
intimate
c
hamber
music.
The
harpsichord
with
its
bright,
vigorous
tone
was
the
fav
orite
instrument
for
supporting
the
bass
of
the
small
orchestra
of
the
per
iod
and
for
concert
use,
but
the
character
of
the
tone
could
not
be
varie
d
save
by
mechanical
or
structural
devices.
The
piano
was
perfected
in
the
early
eighteenth
century
by
a
harpsic
hord
maker
in
Italy
(though
musicologists
point
out
several
previous
insta
nces
of
the
instrument).
This
instrument
was
called
a
piano
e
forte
(sort
and
loud),
to
indicate
its
dynamic
versatility;
its
strings
were
struck
by
a
recoiling
hammer
with
a
felt-padded
head.
The
wires
were
much
heavier
in
the
earlier
instruments.
A
series
of
mechanical
improvements
continui
ng
well
into
the
nineteenth
century,
including
the
introduction
of
pedals
t
o
sustain
tone
or
to
soften
it,
the
perfection
of
a
metal
frame,
and
steel
wire
of
the
finest
quality,
finally
produced
an
instrument
capable
of
myri
ad
tonal
effects
from
the
most
delicate
harmonies
to
an
almost
orchestral
fullness
of
sound,
from
a
liquid,
singing
tone
to
a
sharp,
percussive
brilli
ance.
NOTE:
Musical
Instruments
strings
(
弦乐
)
1)
plectrum:
harp,
lute,
guitar,
mandolin;
2)
keyboard:
clavi
chord, harpsichord,
piano;
3)
bow:
violin, viola,
cello,
double
bass.
2.
The
Wood
< br>（木管）
—
winds
:
piccolo,
flute,
oboe,
clarinet,
bassoon, English
horn;
3.
the
brass
（铜管）
:
French
horn,
trumpet,
trombone,
cornet,
tuba,
bugle,
saxophone;
percussion
（打击组）
:
kettle
drum,
bass
drum,
snare
drum,
castanet,
xylophone,
celesta,
cymbal,
tambourine.
Movie
Music
Accustomed
though
we
are
to
speaking
of
the
films
made
before
192
7
as
―silent‖,
the
film
has
never
been,
in
the
full
sense
of
the
word,
sile
nt.
From
the
very
beginning,
music
was
regarded
as
an
indispensable
acc
ompaniment;
when
the
Lumiere
films
were
shown
at
the
first
public
film
exhibition
in
the
United
States
in
February
1896,
they
were
accompanied
by
piano
improvisations
on
popular
tunes.
At
first,
the
music
played
bore
no
special
relationship
to
the
films;
an
accompaniment
of
any
kind
was
sufficient.
Within
a
very
short
time,
however,
the
incongruity
of
playing
li
vely
music
to
a
solemn
film
became
apparent,
and
film
pianists
began
to
take
some
care
in
matching
their
pieces
to
the
mood
of
the
film.
As
movie
theaters
grew
in
number
and
importance,
a
violinist,
and
pe
rhaps
a
cellist,
would
be
added
to
the
pianist
in
certain
cases,
and
in
th
e
larger
movie
theaters
small
orchestras
were
formed.
For
a
number
of
y
ears
the
selection
of
music
for
each
film
program
rested
entirely
in
the
h
ands
of
the
conductor
or
leader
of
the
orchestra,
and
very
often
the
prin
cipal
qualification
for
holding
such
a
position
was
not
skill
or
taste
so
mu
ch
as
the
ownership
of
a
large
personal
library
of
musical
pieces.
Since
t
he
conductor
seldom
saw
the
films
until
the
night
before
they
were
to
b
e
shown(if
indeed,
the
conductor
was
lucky
enough
to
see
them
then),
t
he
musical
arrangement
was
normally
improvised
in
the
greatest
hurry.
To
help
meet
this
difficulty,
film
distributing
companies
started
the
pr
actice
of
publishing
suggestions
for
musical
accompaniments.
In
1909,
for
example,
the
Edison
Company
began
issuing
with
their
films
such
indicat
ions
of
mood
as
―
pleasant‖,
―sad‖,
―lively‖.
The
suggestio
ns
became
mor
e
explicit,
and
so
emerged
the
musical
cue
sheet
containing
indications
of
mood,
the
titles
of
suitable
pieces
of
music,
and
precise
directions
to
sh
ow
where
one
piece
led
into
the
next.
Certain
films
had
music
especially
composed
for
them.
The
most
fam
ous
of
these
early
special
scores
was
that
composed
and
arranged
for
D.
W
Griffith’s
film
Birth
of
a
Nation,
which
was
released
in
1915.
Note:
美国通俗音乐分类
：
1
．
Jazz;
1)
traditional
jazz----
a)
blues,
代表人物：
Billy
Holiday
b)ragtime(
切分乐曲
):
代表人物：
Scott
Joplin
c)New Orleans
jazz
(=
Dixieland
jazz)
eg:
Louis
Armstron
d)swing
e
g:
Glenn
Miller,
Duke
Ellington,
etc.
e)bop (=bebop,
re
bop)
eg:
Lester
Young,
Charlie
Parker
etc.
2)modern
jazz
------
a)
cool
jazz(=progressive
jazz)
高雅爵士乐。
Eg:
Ke
nny
G.
b)third-stream
jazz.
Eg: Charles
Mingus,
John
Le
wis.
c)
main
stream
jazz.