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Us and Them: the Burden of Tolerance in a
World of
Division
By SERGE SCHMEMANN - December 29,
2002
FEW
of
the
participants
at
a
recent
conference
on
multiculturalism
and
children
would
have
disputed
Al
Gore's
declaration in 1991
that ''seeing ourselves as separate is the
central problem in our political
thinking.''
The
gathering,
at
the
Interfaith
Center
in
New
York,
opened
with
an
invitation
to
chant
and
dance
to
an
African
song. Tolerance was, by unspoken
assent, an absolute virtue,
right
up
there
with
Faith,
Hope
and
Diversity.
It
was
the
opposite
of
racism,
anti-Semitism,
sexism,
ageism and
every
other
divisiveism.
Then
one
participant,
with
radical
Islamist
groups in mind,
raised a question: Must we be tolerant of those
who are intolerant of us?
The
question
revealed
the
enormous
burden
that
tolerance has been made
to bear in our society, and not simply
since
Sept.
11,
2001.
The
word
is
a
fixture
of
campaign
speeches
and
other
claims
to
political
virtue.
There
was
no
evident irony in a commentary that
said, ''Senator Trent Lott is
in
trouble
for
a
political
past
(and
present)
that
shows
too
strong a tolerance for intolerance.''
Indeed. There must be zero
tolerance
for intolerance.
Tolerance
was
not
always
so
burdened.
To
tolerate
means
little
more
than
live
and
let
live.
Just
try
vowing
to
''tolerate,
honor
and
obey''
next
time
you
marry.
Toleration
entered the
political lexicon with the waning of religious
dogma
and the rise of humanism, and
applied specifically to religion.
John
Locke,
who
in
1689
first
propounded
tolerance
as
a
governing
principle,
argued
that
since
''every
church
is
orthodox to itself; to others,
erroneous or heretical,'' it was best
for governments to let religion be.
The
idea
was
not
to
add
Tolerance,
or
Diversity,
to
the
many truth claims, but to allow
everyone to enjoy their favorite
truth
in safety. As Thomas Jefferson told the Virginia
House of
Delegates in 1776: ''It does
me no injury for my neighbor to say
there are 20 gods, or no God. It
neither picks my pocket nor
breaks my
leg.''
Today that would
seem a cynical view. But Stanley Fish,
dean
of
the
College
of
Liberal
Arts
and
Sciences
at
the
University
of
Illinois
at
Chicago,
argues
that
Jefferson's
analysis is still sound.
''It seems to me that tolerance, like
diversity, amounts to
moral
flag-waving,''
he
said.
''No
one
is
for
tolerance
as
a
general
value,
because
in
any
situation
that
actually
arises,
one's tolerance is
extended only to those groups you wish to
include. What tolerance is, is a
solution to a political problem, a
policy usually urged in a culture which
is no longer monolithic.''
Usually,
but
not
always.
A
thousand
years
ago,
when
Islam
reigned supreme in the Middle East, it was
arguably the
most self-confident and
progressive of the major monotheistic
religions, and gave Christians and Jews
considerable leeway
to practice their
faiths.
Jaroslav Pelikan, a
historian of Christianity at Yale, noted
that
two
of
the
most
important
doctrinal
expositions
in
Christianity
and
Judaism
--
''An
Exact
Exposition
of
the
Orthodox
Faith''
by
John
of
Damascus
and
''Guide
for
the
Perplexed''
by
Moses
Maimonides
--
were
written
under
the
protection of Islamic rulers (the
latter in Arabic).
''So
toleration
is
at
least
in
part
the
byproduct
of
a
tremendous
sense
of
security
--
political
as
well
as
religious
and military,'' Professor Pelikan said.
Politically,
tolerance
was
initially
focused
on
the
legal
status of various religions and
denominations, rather than the
accepted
prejudices.
Race
segregation,
anti-Semitism,
anti-Catholicism,
exclusion
of
women,
homophobia
and
the
like
only
came
under
the
purview
of
tolerance
much
later,
largely in the
radical 1960's.
FROM
a
passive,
even
reluctant
accommodation,
tolerance
metamorphosed
into
a
pillar
of
the
American
way,
something
to
be
taught,
defended
and
promoted.
Yet
pure
tolerance, Dr. Fish
said, ''would necessarily involve an absence
of
judgment
--
different
strokes
for
different
folks
taken
to
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