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We’re heading for
the biggest crisis since Suez
Matthew Parris
It is horribly apparent that, four
months after the referendum, the Brexiteers have
no idea where
they’re leading
us
s in a bad
dream, I have the sensation of falling. We British
are on our way to making the
biggest
screw-up since Suez and, somewhere deep down, the
new governing class know it.
We are
heading for national humiliation, nobody’s in
charge, and nobody knows
what to do.
This
Brexit thing is out of control.
It was really only this
week that the scales fell from my eyes. Perhaps it
was just the accretion of
small
observations,
mounting
in
the
unconscious
mind
until
the
heap
broke
the
surface:
but a
nascent worry became a conscious
horror. For me the horror dawned after a long
discussion in a
group who follow
politics closely. Reading the runes, we were
trying to work out
—
and
only in
broad outline
—
what the plan for Brexit
might be. Scenarios were conjured, possible game-
plans
stress-tested.
But every guess, followed through, led
fast into the nettles. As the dial moved towards
the “soft”
end
of
the
spectrum
of
possibilities
we
repeatedly
faced
the
tiger
that
the
Leave
camp
so
foolishly and cynically
rode: immigration. Why ever would our EU partners
offer us, post-Brexit,
what they would
not offer David Cameron before?
And what makes anyone think that in the
new antagonisms generated across the Channel by
our
referendum result, the “soft”
Brexit that we former
Remainers crave
will anyway still be on offer?
And
as
the
dial
moved
towards
the
“hard”
end
of
the
spectrum,
the
massive
economic
uncertainties
attached
to
the
go-it-
alone
solution
came
crowding
in.
None
of
us
knew
how
realistic
the
fears
of
a
serious
hi
t
to
Britain’s
economy
might
prove:
but
we
did
know
that
for
many in the Leave camp,
and for the Chancellor of the Exchequer, those
fears were real.
Then we
thought about parliament. But when you do, the
path of legislative scrutiny crumbles
beneath your feet. Before she triggers
Article 50 next March (and therefore before
negotiations
A
even begin)
Theresa May is adamant she cannot show parliament
her hand, and one does see
her point
—
even though John Major did
risk a Commons debate before he went to
Maastricht.
But after Article 50 is
triggered and the Lisbon treaty’s ejector button
has been pushed, reversing
the process
is practically impossible.
After March, parliament can say it
doesn’t like the Brexit plan that emerges, it can
amend the
Great Repeal Bill by
attaching conditions, it can even throw the bill
out; but still we must leave
the EU
within two years
—
and on no terms at all if parliament
rejects the government’s terms.
Besides,
a
darker
possibility
occurs:
that
the
real
reason
Mrs
May
doesn’t
want
to
consult
parliament on her plans is that she
doesn’t have any.
Bayonet the wounded all you like,
Leavers, but the nation waits to hear your plans
It was widely felt that the referendum
would be a crystalline moment of national
decision. We
were to stay on one road
or take the other. Yet nearly four months later we
find ourselves still at
the
crossroads,
arguing
about
why
we
decided
to
take
the
road
less
travelled
—
and
where
it
should lead. The referendum’s sense of
purpose has evaporated and we can
see
what always lay
beneath: competing
visions for Britain, each unable to command a
majority by itself. They were
pooled in
the word Leave, and it took them as far as June
23.
But no further. The
differences now within the Brexit camp are at
least as sharp as between them
and some
of the former Remainers. Some of the veteran and
most stalwart campaigners against
the
EU
—
Daniel
Hannan
MEP;
columnists
such
as
Christopher
Booker,
Andrew
Lilico
and
Iain
Martin
—
are prominent among those
growing queasy about where Brexit could lead.
And from Mrs.
May herself? Silence. Allow me to
switch the gender in my take on Benny Hill’s
parody of a faux-heroic Edwardian poem:
They said it couldn’t be
done;
They said
she could never do it.
So
she took that job that co
uldn’t be done
—
And she
couldn’t do it.
Several
of
us
emerged
from
that
discussion
among
pundits
this
week,
each
with
our
own
perspective, but all with the same
response. We were looking at a very serious
impending road
accident. “What the
****?” we wer
e saying to each other.
The scales, as I say, fell from my eyes.
For my friend, Times
colleague and Leave campaigner, Michael Gove, to
spend every paragraph
—
yes,
every paragraph
—
of his
column yesterday railing against the side that
lost the European
referendum
campaign
attests
more
eloquently
to
suppressed
panic
than
anything
we
the
vanquished could write. Edvard Munch’s
The Scream hovered over his words.
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